"Never give in, never give in, never, never- in nothing, great or small, large or petty- never give in except to convictions of honour and good sense. Never yield to force. Never yield to the apparently overwhelming might of the enemy." WINSTON CHURCHILL
Friday, September 28, 2007
We just whacked a top Al Qaeda leader in Iraq
http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/n/a/2007/09/28/national/w082836D06.DTL
By PAULINE JELINEK, Associated Press Writer Friday, September 28, 2007 U.S.-led forces have killed one of the most important leaders of al-Qaida in Iraq, a Tunisian believed connected to the kidnapping and killings last summer of American soldiers, a top commander said Friday. Brig. Gen. Joseph Anderson said the death of the suspected terrorist and recent similar operations have left the organization in Iraq fractured. "Abu Usama al-Tunisi was one of the most senior leaders ... the emir of foreign terrorists in Iraq and part of the inner leadership circle," Anderson said.Al-Tunisi was a leader in helping bring foreign terrorists into the country and his death "is a key loss" to al-Qaida leadership there, Anderson told a Pentagon news conference via videoconference from Baghdad. "He operated in Yusufiyah, southwest of Baghdad, since the Second Battle of Fallujah in November '04 and became the overall emir of Yusufiyah in the summer of '06," Anderson said. "His group was responsible for kidnapping our American soldiers in June 2006," Anderson said. He did not name the soldiers and Pentagon officials said they did not immediately know whom he was referring to. But three U.S. soldiers were killed that month in an ambush-kidnapping that happened while they were guarding a bridge. Spc. David J. Babineau was killed at a river checkpoint south of Baghdad on June 16, 2006, and Pfc. Kristian Menchaca and Pfc. Thomas Tucker were abducted. The mutilated bodies of the kidnapped soldiers were found three days later, tied together and booby-trapped with bombs. Anderson said recent coalition operations also have helped cut in half the previous flow of foreign fighters into Iraq, which had been at about 60 to 80 a month. He credited the work of the Iraqi Department of Border Enforcement and U.S. teams. Commanders have said previously that the increase in troops ordered by President Bush in January — and the increased operations that followed — have pushed militants into the remote parts of the north and south of the country. Additional operations have been going after those pockets of fighters. "We're having great success in isolating these pockets," Anderson said. "They are very broken up, very unable to mass, and conducting very isolated operations," he said.
US taking fewer casualties than a year ago..
U.S. military toll in Iraq set to fall in September
http://www.reuters.com/article/latestCrisis/idUSYAT840377
By Dominic Evans BAGHDAD, Sept 28 (Reuters) - U.S. military deaths in Iraq look set to fall this month to their lowest level in a year, a reduction which army officers say shows their stepped-up security drive around Baghdad is yielding results. Fifty-nine U.S. soldiers have been killed so far this month, according to the Web site icasualties.org which tracks military deaths in Iraq, making it the least deadly month for U.S. troops since July last year. The reduction will be welcome news to President George W. Bush, who faces domestic pressure to start bringing troops home from an unpopular war in which 3,800 U.S. soldiers have died. Bush has said his policy of a military "surge" in Iraq is bearing fruit and curbing some of the violence which has raged since he ordered a March 2003 invasion to topple Saddam Hussein.September's figure is on track to be around half of the death toll for May, when extra U.S. forces started deploying in greater strength into dangerous areas, in what was seen as a last ditch attempt to reduce Iraq's sectarian fighting."What we found is that the current operations ... managed to disrupt a lot of (militant) cells," said a U.S. military spokesman, Lieutenant-Colonel Rudy Burwell. "We were able to push them from Baghdad and pursue them". "That's what we attribute the lower casualties to.""Obviously (the militants) have not been eliminated, but they have been disrupted," he said, adding indicators of violence including shooting attacks and roadside bombs had been "trending downwards" since June.Twenty-two of the 59 deaths in September were defined by icasualties.org as "non-hostile", many of them road accidents. A breakdown of casualties by region shows the heaviest U.S. tolls concentrated near the capital, with the areas around Baghdad and the province of Diyala to the northeast of the city accounting for more than half of "hostile" deaths. Nine U.S. soldiers have died in the last two weeks in the volatile province of Diyala, where a suicide bomber killed 26 people in a mosque compound while Shi'ite and Sunni Arab leaders were holding reconciliation talks on Monday. Asked about September's death toll, Major-General Benjamin Mixon, the U.S. commander for Diyala and other provinces north of Baghdad, said not all regions had seen a fall. "That's true for Iraq as a whole but it's not true for the north," he said. Al Qaeda militants in Iraq promised to step up attacks at the start of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan two weeks ago, warning that they would target tribal leaders who have been cooperating with Iraqi security forces. But in the provinces south of Baghdad, another stronghold of insurgents, the U.S. military says civilian casualties have fallen during Ramadan and that overall violence against U.S. troops and Iraqis has declined in recent months. "We're seeing both attack and casualty levels have consistently dropped since the start of surge operations," said Major Alayne Conway, spokeswoman for U.S. forces in the "beltway" around southern Baghdad and four south Iraq provinces. Conway said U.S. soldiers were being helped by increasing numbers of Iraqis alerting them to weapons caches and militant safe houses."A couple of months ago we didn't have as many soldiers living among the population. We have more patrol bases now and we've developed relationships," Conway said. "More and more we have people coming forward saying they are fed up with al Qaeda living in their towns and villages". (Additional reporting by Paul Tait)
Thursday, September 27, 2007
Killing al qaeda and our enemies left and right
19,000 insurgents killed in Iraq since '03
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/iraq/2007-09-26-insurgents_N.html
By Jim Michaels, USA TODAY More than 19,000 militants have been killed in fighting with coalition forces since the insurgency began more than four years ago, according to military statistics released for the first time.The statistics show that 4,882 militants were killed in clashes with coalition forces this year, a 25% increase over all of last year.The increase in enemy deaths this year reflects more aggressive tactics adopted by American forces and an additional 30,000 U.S. troops ordered by the White House this year.U.S. and Iraqi forces launched several large offensives aimed at crippling al-Qaeda since the arrival of more troops starting in February. The U.S. military says, however, there has been an increase in suicide attacks in recent days.The size of the insurgency in Iraq has been difficult to measure and is fluid, making it hard to determine what impact the deaths have had on the insurgency in Iraq.Last year, Gen. John Abizaid, then commander of military forces in the region, estimated the Sunni insurgency to be 10,000 to 20,000 fighters. He said the Shiite militia members were in the "low thousands." The U.S. military hasn't publicly provided any recent estimates.There are 25,000 detainees in U.S. military custody in Iraq, according to the military. The numbers of enemy killed and detained would exceed the estimate given last year of the size of the insurgency.Since the insurgency began after Baghdad fell in spring 2003, 19,429 militants have been killed in clashes with coalition forces, statistics show. The numbers do not include enemy killed during the invasion.The statistics, provided at USA TODAY's request, were retrieved from a coalition database that tracks "significant acts." Militants are identified in the database because they are linked to "hostile action," said Capt. Michael Greenberger, a Freedom of Information Act officer in Baghdad. There is no way to independently verify the data."The information in the database is only as good as the information entered into it by operators on the ground at the time," Greenberger said. "Follow-up information to make corrections is done whenever possible."The U.S. military rarely discusses the numbers of enemy dead, fearful of raising parallels with the Vietnam War when the U.S. military's reliance on "body counts" led to allegations of inflated figures because of political pressure to show results.Today, U.S. commanders consider the number of enemy deaths a poor measure of progress in an insurgency and say there is no pressure to exaggerate. "The big difference is the command climate in Vietnam encouraged inflation," said T.X. Hammes, a retired Marine colonel and insurgency expert. "The general command climate (in Iraq) is: 'Don't exaggerate.' "The military's new counterinsurgency manual emphasizes political and economic solutions to eliminate the conditions that breed militants. Those actions are considered more decisive than combat."You can't kill them all," Maj. Gen. Benjamin Mixon, commander of the American division responsible for northern Iraq, said in a recent interview.The insurgency has been a mixture of Sunni groups, such as al-Qaeda, and Shiite militia extremists.The enemy casualty numbers also reinforce the one-sided nature of battles on occasions when militants attempted to directly confront American forces.The deadliest month for militants was August 2004 when thousands of militia fighters loyal to Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr clashed with American forces in Najaf in southern Iraq. That month, 1,623 militants were killed. The U.S. military lost 53 troops in fighting during the same time.
Wednesday, September 26, 2007
joint efforts putting baghdad airport back on radar
BAGHDAD Monday, 24 September 2007 — For more than 15 years, Baghdad International Airport has been virtually inactive. After years of trafficking very limited aircraft to and from the airport, Coalition Forces set out to change the way the world sees Baghdad by placing it back in the business race one project at a time. Army Lt. Col. Jack Pflaumer, BIAP reconstruction deputy director, 358th Civil Affairs Brigade, has seen a lot of progress since efforts began in 2005. With the grand opening of a business center and plans to build a new office tower, hotel and two convention centers, the Langhorn, Pa., native said BIAP is well on its way to rejoining the international business community. Pflaumer said his team has two objectives: getting BIAP recertified internationally and establishing a commercial economic zone. In doing so, the airport would become the gateway to Iraq while bringing international companies and investors in for the economic recovery effort.“Our overall (goal) is to reconnect Iraq to the international community, attract businesses that are needed to rebuild this country, create jobs, and teach the Iraqis the standard they need in order to reestablish themselves into the international community,” Pflaumer said. With the opening of the BIAP Business Center, Pflaumer said visiting companies and investors will have an opportunity to meet in a safe area without having to travel to downtown Baghdad. Once reconstruction efforts are complete, they will also have access to nearby convention centers, lodging and an eight-story office building for those who plan to maintain a presence in Baghdad.While reconstruction is key to getting BIAP back on track, it is only part of the plan. Terry Biggio, Federal Aviation Administration advisor, BIAP, has been working on the aviation side of the project. Since the Nashua, N.H., native arrived nearly three months ago, he has been helping train Iraqis on the control center and in the tower – a crucial piece of the puzzle in rebuilding BIAP.“(The Iraqis) haven’t used radar in this area since 1991, so this is a major step forward for this country,” Biggio said.In order for Iraqis to achieve that step, they must first receive certification from the International Civil Aviation Organization, aviation’s governing body.“We are going to work with them to make sure they are ICAO-compliant so that their aviation system moves up,” Biggio said. Pflaumer said that although security remains an issue, BIAP is relatively safe. Global Security and Iraqi Police forces provide security throughout the airport while fire and emergency medical services are on hand for emergencies. Khaldoon Yousif, BIAP director, Baghdad, said he recognizes the safety concern, but assures others of security measures to keep travelers safe.Yousif said he wants to see BIAP catch up to other airports around the world.“This is something I wish people back home could see,” Biggio said. “Just opening up the business center was a monumental occasion, and now being able to talk to controllers who haven’t controlled air space in 15 years; to see them in that radar environment talking with their hands is exciting.”Pflaumer said it’s a sign Iraqis are continuing to make progress in taking back their country.“We really want to see the government move forward, and we’re seeing signs of that occurring at the airport,” he said. “They are (almost) ready to take over the job of economic recovery of rebuilding their country. It’s very encouraging.”
Tuesday, September 25, 2007
iraqis securing own neighborhoods
http://www.defenselink.mil/news/newsarticle.aspx?id=47558
By Sgt. Sara Wood, USA American Forces Press Service WASHINGTON, Sept. 24, 2007 – As coalition troops work among the people of Baghdad to improve security, they also are training Iraqi forces, who in turn are securing their own neighborhoods and taking more responsibility, the U.S. general in charge of coalition forces in the city said today. “This is tough work; it would be challenging even if we weren’t fighting a brutal enemy at the same time,” Army Maj. Gen. Joseph F. Fil, commander of Multinational Division Baghdad, told civilian defense experts in a conference call. “But there is progress, and I see steady progress both in terms of the security situation and in terms of the progression as a whole of the Iraqi military and the Iraqi security forces.” Violence in Baghdad has been reduced considerably, Fil said. There has been a 70 percent decrease in casualties caused by car bombs and a 125 percent increase in the number of car bombs that are discovered and disarmed, he said. Civilian casualties are also down, he noted. “Despite these trends, it is clear that a lot of work is needed to continue to reduce the casualties and to improve the security in some parts of the city,” Fil said. “I am very encouraged, though, by the ongoing grassroots reconciliation movements that are also occurring across Baghdad.” Throughout Baghdad, volunteers are stepping forward to help the Iraqi security forces maintain security, Fil said. These volunteers not only are providing much-needed extra manpower for Iraqi forces, but also are going through training to qualify them for service with the Iraqi police or military, he said. Tomorrow, 800 such volunteers from the Abu Ghraib area will graduate training and join the police forces. “Areas where these efforts have taken root have gone from being actively contested, which were requiring deliberate clearing operations, to controlled areas through a partnership of Iraqi security forces, our coalition forces, and the local populace,” he said. As security improves throughout the city, citizens who were displaced by the violence are beginning to come back, Fil said. Those citizens who moved to other areas of Baghdad, those who moved elsewhere in Iraq, and even those who moved out of the country are starting to move back as they hear about the improved conditions, he said. “Everybody senses that the conditions are starting to change,” he said. “This movement, I think, is going to accelerate.”
Monday, September 24, 2007
The men planning america's next air war
United Kingdom Times Online September 22, 2007 Eric Margolis
An invitation to visit "Checkmate", the US air force's most important and secretive strategic planning group, was an offer that, as a veteran military analyst, I could not refuse. A few weeks earlier, I had written that the air force was the supreme instrument of America's global power, likening it to the 19th-century Royal Navy. Were it not for the USAF's 24-hour close air support, I said, US and British ground forces in Iraq and Afghanistan would be unable to defend their long, vulnerable supply lines, and might even face defeats like those suffered by imperial Britain at Kut and in the Afghan wars. My column ricocheted around the Pentagon's top brass and received a positive response from General Michael Moseley, the air force chief of staff. I was invited to the Pentagon to brief Checkmate's senior officers on strategic developments in my speciality areas, the Middle East and South Asia. Soon after, I was in the Pentagon's 17.1-mile maze of corridors amid 23,000 military and civilian personnel. The Checkmate group planned the devastating 1991 air force attack on Iraq, and the 2003 strike aimed at decapitating Iraq's leadership. Its austere, high security offices are deep in the Pentagon's prestigious inner rings, heavily shielded against electronic penetration. As I walked through each new section of Checkmate's headquarters, a major preceded me, warning fellow officers to cover secret documents on their desks, and ensuring I did not stray into forbidden areas. I wryly recalled that security had not been this tight when I was the first western journalist invited into the Lubyanka, the KGB's headquarters. Checkmate's staff work close to the Pentagon's Mount Olympus, the offices of the joints chiefs of staff. Brigadier General Lawrence Stutzriem, Checkmate's brainy commander, reports directly to Moseley, who advises the president. In the Pentagon, reporting line can be more important than rank. Unlike other military bureaucracies, Checkmate has the ear of the gods of war. Its 20-30 young, high-energy officers have advanced academic and military degrees and are on the fast track to the top of America's most forward-thinking, smartest service. While the army and navy plan to re-fight America's last wars, Checkmate is busy planning the next ones. Checkmate's mission is to "think out of the box", develop new, often unorthodox ideas, outflank bureaucracy and ensure they remain "air warriors". Checkmate officers were eager to tell me about the fast-advancing decrepitude of their air fleet, whose average age is nearing 25 years. The air force has been in almost non-stop combat for 17 years. Many aircraft, scuh as the B-52 heavy bombers, America's version of the Royal Navy's Dreadnoughts, and tanker aircraft, are older than the pilots flying them.
I asked when the Bush administration's widely expected air war against Iran would begin. This was not a subject my hosts cared to discuss. Smiles vanished. Dr Lani Kass, Checkmate's formidable senior civilian official, a former Israeli military officer who had somehow morphed into a senior Pentagon advisor, dismissed my question, insisting no decision to attack Iran had been made. She called a possible air war "unlikely". But I was ready to bet plans to blitz Iran were being drawn up in an adjoining office. One could feel a buzz of excitement among Checkmate's hard-eyed officers who wore combat flight suits and tensed up every time I mentioned Iran. Pentagon sources say the air force has selected 3,000-4,000 targets in Iran, and that some US and British special forces are already operating there. However, Washington sources also report strong opposition to war against Iran among the Pentagon's brass, and high-ranking officials in the CIA, Treasury, and state department. They view war with Iran as unpredictable, unwise and dangerous at a time when US ground and air forces are stretched to breaking point in Iraq and Afghanistan. "We can defeat Iran," insisted Dr Kass, `but are Americans willing to pay the price?"
So far, apparently not. Congress has not been renewing the air force's fleet and will baulk at the cost of a new war. Ironically, the air force is victim of its own success. The last time US ground forces came under enemy air attack was in 1953 during the Korean war. America's air force fights and operates so efficiently the public and congress do not understand the enormous efforts and cost of keeping American domination of most of the world's skies, space and cyberspace. Today, the air force has no real enemies left because it shot them all down. If the balloon goes up, Checkmate are likely to target the initial waves of devastating strikes against either Iran, or, as I was told, "the next enemy of America that sticks up its head".
Friday, September 21, 2007
Violence in Iraq to lowest level in nearly two years
http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20070920/wl_nm/iraq_dc_21&printer=1;_ylt=Agjo7O.cfHOmltalCrvMG41n.3QA
Reuters By Paul Tait Thu Sep 20, 7:46 PM ET Violence in Iraq has fallen to its lowest level since before a 2006 mosque attack which unleashed the deadliest phase of the Iraq war, the deputy commander of U.S. forces in Iraq said on Thursday. Lieutenant-General Raymond Odierno said attacks in Baghdad had also fallen by half since January, just before Washington began pouring 30,000 extra troops into Iraq to try to drag the nation back from the brink of sectarian civil war. "There are still way too many civilian casualties inside of Baghdad and Iraq," Odierno said, after telling a news conference the number of sectarian killings in the capital had fallen from an average of about 32 a day to 12 a day this year. U.S. forces launched a crackdown in Baghdad in February that spread to other provinces, targeting Sunni Islamist al Qaeda and other Sunni Arab insurgents as well as Shi'ite militias. "Al Qaeda in Iraq is increasingly being pushed out of Baghdad and the surrounding areas. They are now seeking refuge elsewhere in the country and even fleeing Iraq," Odierno said. Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki this month said his government had averted civil war and that levels of violence in Baghdad and surrounding areas had fallen 75 percent this year.
And on Thursday, President George W. Bush defended plans to withdraw about 20,000 U.S. troops by July, saying: "Progress will yield fewer troops." Al Qaeda, however, has vowed to step up attacks during the holy Muslim month of Ramadan. Odierno said there had been no sign of any reprisal attacks so far since a separate Baghdad shooting on Sunday involving U.S. security firm Blackwater in which 11 people were killed. U.S. and Iraqi officials have launched a joint inquiry into the incident, with Maliki's government announcing it had halted the work of Blackwater, which guards U.S. embassy officials, and would review all local and foreign security firms. U.S. embassy spokeswoman Mirembe Nantongo said Blackwater was still contracted to the State Department but had not done any work since a ban on U.S. diplomatic convoys leaving Baghdad's heavily fortified Green Zone was imposed on Tuesday. In Iraq's north, the U.S. military said it had arrested an Iranian man it accused of being a member of Iran's elite Revolutionary Guards Quds force who had smuggled deadly roadside bombs into Iraq. Iran said the man, detained during an early-morning raid on a hotel in Sulaimaniya in autonomous Kurdistan, was a businessman. Kurdistan and Iraqi government officials said he was a member of a trade delegation. Odierno said U.S. and Iraqi forces had been keeping al Qaeda and other militant groups "off balance" by targeting their leadership as they push out of large bases into smaller combat outposts and joint command centers.
He said 60 percent more weapons caches had been discovered in the first nine months of 2007 than in all of 2006, leading to a decrease in attacks by improvised explosive devices.
The security crackdown was seen by Washington as an attempt to buy time for Iraq's fractured government to reach benchmarks aimed at reconciling majority Shi'ites and minority Sunni Arabs. Maliki's Shi'ite-led coalition has been paralyzed by infighting and the withdrawal of about a dozen ministers from cabinet, but a senior lawmaker said there were no plans for a no-confidence vote against Maliki's 16-month-old administration. Deputy speaker Khaled al-Attiya also told Reuters that much-delayed legislation on a crucial oil law that will regulate how wealth from the world's third-largest oil reserves will be shared would be debated in parliament in October.
Thursday, September 20, 2007
Violence down in baghdad
http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070920/ap_on_re_mi_ea/iraq&printer=1;_ylt=Aqw.LSy4U2o.EzXsiHjiJ24UewgF
By KATARINA KRATOVAC, Associated Press Writer Thursday 20 September The No. 2 U.S. commander in Iraq said Thursday that a seven-month-old security operation has cut violence in Baghdad by half, but he acknowledged that civilians were still dying at too high a rate. The comments came as relations between the U.S. and Iraqi governments remained strained in the wake of Sunday's shooting involving Blackwater USA security guards, which Iraqi officials said left at least 11 people dead. Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki suggested the U.S. Embassy find another company to protect its diplomats. On Thursday, Lt. Gen. Raymond Odierno told reporters that car bombs and suicide attacks in Baghdad have fallen to their lowest level in a year, and civilian casualties have dropped from a high of about 32 to 12 per day. He also said violence in Baghdad had seen a 50 percent decrease, although he did not provide details about how the numbers were obtained and said that was short of the military's objectives. "What we do know is that there has been a decline in civilian casualties, but I would say again that it's not at the level we want it to be," Odierno said. "There are still way too many civilian casualties inside of Baghdad and Iraq." Al-Qaida in Iraq was "increasingly being pushed out of Baghdad, "seeking refuge outside" the capital and "even fleeing Iraq," Odierno said.Lt. Gen. Abboud Qanbar, the Iraqi military commander, said that before the troop buildup, one-third of Baghdad's 507 districts were under insurgent control. "Now, only five to six districts can be called hot areas," he said. "Al-Qaida now is left only with booby-trapped cars and roadside bombs as their only weapons, which cannot be called quality operations, and they do not worry us." Qanbar also reported the release of 1,686 detainees from Iraqi jails. Odierno said the U.S. military had separately released at least 50 detainees per day, or a total of at least 250, since beginning an amnesty program for inmates as a goodwill gesture linked to the Islamic holy month of Ramadan.
Meanwhile, an Iranian officer accused of smuggling powerful roadside bombs into Iraq was arrested Thursday, the military said. The suspect — a member of the Quds Force, an elite unit of Iran's Revolutionary Guards — was detained in the Kurdish city of Sulaimaniyah, the military said. He was allegedly involved in transporting roadside bombs, including armor-piercing explosively formed penetrators, or EFPs, into Iraq, according to a statement. It said intelligence reports also indicated he was involved in the infiltration and training of foreign fighters into Iraq. Officials have said the Bush administration is expected to blacklist the Quds force as a terrorist organization, subjecting part of the vast military operation to financial sanctions. Meanwhile, the U.S. military said seven Shiite extremists were detained following a pre-dawn raid by Iraqi special forces and U.S. troops in Sadr City. Residents claimed a civilian and a 5-year-old boy were killed in the raid.
Wednesday, September 19, 2007
Troop surge turns momentum against terrorists
http://www.mnf-iraq.com/index.php option=com_content&task=view&id=14091&Itemid=1
BAGHDAD —Army Brig. Gen. Joseph Anderson, chief of staff for Multinational Corps Iraq, talked about results of the increase of offensive operations made possible by the troop surge. Anderson spoke during a joint conference with Navy Rear Adm. Mark I. Fox, Multi-National Force-Iraq spokesman. In the wake of Multi-National Force-Iraq Commander Army Gen. David H. Petraeus’ recommendations to President Bush and testimony before Congress, forces in Iraq “will continue to build on the momentum of the last few months,” Anderson said. “Over the past few months, we've gained the initiative. Attacks are down. Car bombings and truck bombings have decreased, and the Iraqi people are choosing to reject extremism and violence,” Anderson said. “We've now had several weeks of improved security, by most of our measures, both in Baghdad and throughout the country.” Anderson said Iraq and Coalition forces are putting considerable pressure on al Qaeda in Iraq, and they have the terrorist organization on the run. “Operations in Baghdad and Diyala, in particular, have caused al Qaeda to move constantly, and they are now off balance,” Anderson said. “We are in pursuit, and we will not allow the enemy to create new sanctuaries, nor allow them to regain territory.” Al Qaeda has been “clearly neutralized here inside of Baghdad proper, and we always knew with the surge of forces by the increased presence of boots on the ground in the tense security districts that we would be successful in pushing them out,” Anderson said. “Our assessment is right now they are very fractured,” Anderson said. “And the ability for them to conduct large-scale sensational attacks has been greatly decreased.” But the pressure on al Qaeda is not only the result of military action, Anderson said. Iraqi citizens are also playing a pivotal role in turning the tide against al Qaeda. “The most powerful element at work against al Qaeda is the Iraqi people themselves,” he said. “Throughout the country, citizens are rejecting the violence and control al Qaeda wants to impose upon them.” Many Iraqis have formed civilian groups supporting the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF), Anderson said, noting that many people in these groups may eventually have the opportunity to seek membership in the ISF. Anderson emphasized that Coalition forces are not, however, providing weapons to these groups of Iraqis. to reject al Qaeda and become part of the governmental process.” Though the momentum is currently with Coalition and Iraqi forces, Anderson said that there are still many challenges to long-term stability, and pressure must be kept on the enemy to prevent them from regaining strength. “We know much work needs to be done. We know extremist militants remain intent on disrupting the growth and development of the government of Iraq,” Anderson said. “Al Qaeda remains dangerous and remains capable of significant attacks.” Other remaining problems, according to Anderson, are high civilian death tolls and “many political objectives … that are necessary for the long-term stability of this country.” Anderson said that Coalition forces will be there to help, when those political objectives are met. “As the government of Iraq moves forward, we will assist in expanding progress to the local level,” Anderson said. “We will also assist the government as it seeks to achieve its constitutional objectives.”
Tuesday, September 18, 2007
Happy birthday us air force!!
Next week marks my three year anniversary serving in the USAF. Sixty years ago today we became a seperate branch of the US military, and we continue on an outstanding tradition of bravery and excellence inherited from our predecessors. Well done!!
Airman's Roll Call honors 60 years of air, space power
This week's Airman's Roll Call commemorates the past 60 years of the Air Force's supremacy of air and space power. (U.S. Air Force graphic/Mike Carabajal) 9/18/2007 - SAN ANTONIO (AFPN) -- This week's Airman's Roll Call commemorates the past 60 years of the Air Force's supremacy of air and space power. September is the birth month of the Air Force, and for the past 60 years the men and women of the Air Force have continually defended America and freedom around the world. This week's Roll Call does not focus solely on Air Force heritage, but looks toward the horizon of Air Force operations. Airman's Roll Call is designed for supervisors at all levels to help keep Airmen informed on current issues, clear up confusion, dispel rumors and provide additional face-to-face communication.
Empty Hospital Beds in Baghdad offer Hope
http://www.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idUSL1772558920070917?feedType=RSS&feedName=worldNews&pageNumber=1
By Haider Salahudeen BAGHDAD (Reuters) - A row of beds lies empty in the emergency ward of Baghdad's Yarmouk Hospital. The morgue, which once overflowed with corpses, is barely a quarter full.Doctors at the hospital, a barometer of bloodshed in the Iraqi capital, say there has been a sharp fall in victims of violence admitted during a seven-month security campaign.Last month the fall was particularly dramatic, with 70 percent fewer bodies and half the number of wounded brought in compared to July, hospital director Haqi Ismail said."The major incidents, like explosions and car bombs, sometimes reached six or seven a day. Now it's more like one or two a week," he told Reuters.The relative calm at the Yarmouk hospital lends weight to U.S. and Iraqi government assertions that a security campaign launched around Baghdad in February has achieved results.In one emergency ward at the hospital, in a Sunni Muslim district of west Baghdad which has suffered disproportionately from sectarian conflict, just two patients were being treated. Neither showed signs of serious injury.At the hospital morgue, only two of the eight refrigerated rooms contain bodies, many of them dating to violence weeks ago.Bloodstained floors in the empty sections were the only reminder of days when the morgue was so flooded with victims of bombings and shootings that the bodies overflowed, laid out on the ground outside."In the last month there's been a really noticeable reduction," said surgeon Ali Adel. "Now most of the cases that come to us are ... random gunfire and accidents"."There are still cases (of militant violence) but compared to the last month, very few, thank God".
LAST-DITCH EFFORT
The security plan begun in February, backed by thousands of extra U.S. troops, was seen as a last-ditch attempt to stem four years of conflict which raged since the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. Tens of thousands of Iraqi civilians have died in that time.Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki said last week violence in Baghdad and surrounding areas had fallen by 75 percent and U.S. President George W. Bush said "ordinary life is beginning to return" to the city.Deputy Health Minister Amer Khozai said the picture from Yarmouk was reflected in figures from the main morgue in central Baghdad, where the number of bodies received had fallen from up to 180 on the worst of days to as low as 12 a day."The problem now is some cars exploding here and there ... (but) it's clear from the emergency departments in the hospitals that the situation is calm and stable in Baghdad," he said.But despite the improvement in Baghdad, violence still rages in other regions of Iraq, and Sunni Islamist al Qaeda militants have promised a renewed campaign to mark the Muslim holy month of Ramadan which started last week."Realistically speaking, today there are still injuries, there are still wounded people, victims, and explosions," hospital director Ismail said.
Monday, September 17, 2007
Progress in Iraq continues every day..
Fewer Foreigners Crossing Into Iraq From Syria to Fight
Drop Parallels Dip in Al-Qaeda Attacks
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/article/2007/09/15/AR2007091501345_pf.html
By Karen DeYoung Washington Post Staff Writer Sunday, September 16, 2007; A19 The number of foreign fighters entering Iraq from Syria has decreased noticeably in recent months, corresponding to a similar decrease in suicide bombings and other attacks by the group al-Qaeda in Iraq, according to U.S. military and intelligence officials."There is an early indication of a trend," said Gen. David H. Petraeus, the U.S. commander in Iraq, in an interview. Border crossings from Syria that averaged 80 to 90 a month have fallen to "half or two-thirds of that over the last two or three months," Petraeus said.
An intelligence official said that "the Syrians do appear to be mounting a crackdown on some of the most hardened terrorists transiting through the country, particularly al-Qaeda-affiliated foreign fighters." The official, who was not authorized to speak on the record, said there is also evidence that the Syrians have been stopping return crossings by foreign fighters leaving Iraq. Other administration officials, while confirming the decrease in border crossings, said they are not yet prepared to attribute it to Syrian action, instead citing increased U.S. operations against al-Qaeda inside Iraq and stepped-up cooperation by terrorist "source" countries, such as Saudi Arabia, in prohibiting travel to Damascus. U.S. intelligence has said Saudis form the biggest group of foreigners fighting with al-Qaeda in Iraq. Petraeus also said his command is uncertain of the reason for the decrease, adding that "we're watching it on the ground."A National Intelligence Estimate last month attributed an apparent crackdown in Syria to that government's concern about the threat al-Qaeda posed to its own stability. The NIE also assessed that Syria had stepped up its support to non-al-Qaeda groups to bolster their influence -- and that of Damascus -- in Iraq. Several Iraqi Sunni extremist groups opposed to the United States and al-Qaeda in Iraq are present in Damascus. The Bush administration has said that interference from Iran and Syria helped spark and continues to fuel much of the sectarian violence in Iraq. Iran is charged with training, arming and funding Shiite militias. The al-Qaeda in Iraq organization, which largely consists of Iraqi Sunnis, is said to be led by foreigners whose primary route into Iraq is through Syria. Syria is also believed by U.S. officials to be the primary route for foreign terrorists moving out of Iraq to return to their home countries in Arab countries, Europe and North Africa. Rice plans to attend a second neighbors conference at the end of October in Istanbul, but U.S. policymakers have made no decision on whether they would seek or agree to another high-level meeting with Syria. "We haven't ruled it out yet," an administration official said. "I could speculate that if the end of October came and the numbers of suicide bombers had really dropped significantly and people . . . came to the conclusion there really had been a change in [Syrian] policy, that would give us every reason to have a meeting." The United States has labeled Syria a state sponsor of terrorism because of its support for Lebanese Hezbollah and other groups designated as terrorists. Washington and others have accused Syria of direct involvement in the 2005 assassination of former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri in Beirut, a charge Damascus denies. The U.N. Security Council voted last May to establish an international tribunal to prosecute suspects in the Hariri bombing, which also killed 22 others. Early this month, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said he will appoint the tribunal judges as soon as U.N. member nations allocate $35 million to fund the tribunal's operations for the first year and pledge an additional $85 million for the following two years. Meanwhile, the White House and State Department have declined to confirm or deny recent reports that North Korea may be assisting Syria with a possible nuclear program. Although one State Department official said Friday that Washington has concerns in that direction, other officials expressed skepticism that North Korea would be conducting nuclear trade with Syria.
Friday, September 14, 2007
Our enemy is losing and we are winning..
THE ENEMY IS LOSING
http://www.nypost.com/seven/09142007/postopinion/opedcolumnists/the_enemys_losing.htm
By AMIR TAHERI New York Post September 14, 2007 -- AS some politicians and pundits try to prove that America has lost the war in Iraq, a key question remains unasked: How is the enemy doing? The facts on the ground are that the two chief enemies of the new Iraq - the groups wearing the al Qaeda label and the Iran-backed Shiite militias - are not doing well. Indeed, one might say that both have already lost their bids for power and, the continued killings notwithstanding, are in the process of marginalization. The only way they could make a comeback is if Congress decides to legislate a victory for them. Al Qaeda's strategy had two parts. One was based on the assumption that, by killing enough Americans, it would enable the party of defeat in the United States to force President Bush to surrender. That failed when Bush decided to increase, rather than reduce, the number of U.S. troops in Iraq. The other part assumed that, by fomenting a sectarian war, al Qaeda would force Shiites, Iraq's majority, to run away - allowing Salafi Sunnis to seize power in Baghdad. That also failed: Not only did the Shiites not run away,but also many who had fled under Saddam Hussein decided to return to Iraq. The new wave of refugees from Iraq consisted almost exclusively of Arab Sunnis - the very people that al Qaeda regarded as its potential popular base. The Iran-sponsored Shiite militias and death squads also pursued a two-part strategy. One was to kill enough Arab Sunnis to force the community out of mainly Shiite areas, notably greater Baghdad. That sinister plan succeeded. But the areas thus "cleansed" of Sunnis did not fall into the hands of the Iran-sponsored militias: They were taken over by either the new Iraqi army and police or the various militias loyal to Prime Minister Nuri al-Mailki's government. The second part aimed at defeating rival Shiite armed groups that (although maintaining close ties with Tehran) did not wish to serve as mere tools of the Iranian mullahs. In this, too, the Iran-sponsored militias failed. Here are some other facts on how the enemy is doing right now:
* The main Arab Sunni armed groups (including the 1920 Brigade and the Islamic Army of Iraq) have switched sides, agreeing to work with the Iraqi government against foreign terrorists.
* The Sunni Arab tribal sheiks in once-unruly Anbar province have decided to come off the fence and take up arms against al Qaeda, even if this means collaborating with the Americans.
* On the Shiite side, Muqtada al-Sadr ordered his Mahdi Army to lay down arms for six months. He made that decision after dozens of his commanders, former members of Saddam's Republican Guards, had switched to the government side.
* Sadr also saw the writing on the wall after his gunmen tried to seize power in Karbala, Najaf, Wassit, Misan, Dhiqar and Qaddisiyah - and failed.
* Another Iranian-controlled Shiite group, known as the Thar Allah (God's Revenge), has also been crippled, with dozens dead and scores captured by the new Iraqi army.
* The British withdrawal from Basra did not lead to a takeover by Tehran's agents, although both Mahdi Army and Thar Allah did test the waters. Instead, the Iraqi army and police, with support from nationalist Shiite groups such as Fadila (Virtue) and the Islamic Council of Iraq, control Iraq's second largest city. The Basra Bloodbath predicted by some pundits has not materialized.
* The various Sunni and Shiite blocs that had withdrawn from the Iraqi parliament during its summer recess have ended their boycott.
* Prime Minister Maliki's coalition has won a new mandate with the reaffirmation of support by three blocs of parties that account for 85 percent of the seats in the parliament. It is unveiling a full legislative program - tackling such key issues as sharing oil revenues, municipal elections and federalism - as the parliament prepares for a new session.
* Most Arab states have ended their boycott of new Iraq and dispatched diplomatic missions to Baghdad to open embassies. France has also ended its boycott and sent Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner to Baghdad with a message of support.
* At a "National Reconciliation Conference" in Redwaniyah, religious leaders of Arab Sunni and Shiite communities denounced sectarianism and pledged support for new Iraq.
* Al Qaeda has had to postpone its promise of announcing the creation of the so-called Islamic Emirate of Iraq on three occasions. Last October, al Qaeda promised to issue a new currency for its putative "Islamic emirate" and name a "Governing Council." Those fantasies had to be shelved as it lost safe havens in Anbar, Diyala and Salahuddin provinces.
* Judging by the pro-terror buzz in cyberspace, al Qaeda is facing recruitment problems. One al Qaeda guru, using the nom de guerre of Sheikh Bassir al-Najdi, recently warned that the organization was unable to replace "lost martyrs" in Iraq.
The buzz in pro-terrorist circles is that a whole generation of jihadists has been wiped out. The funeral industry in the Arab countries where most jihadists originate is booming.
* The number of defectors from al Qaeda is rising. In Saudi Arabia alone, scores of former jihadists in Iraq have surrendered to the authorities and joined a rehabilitation program. Last month, three of them (Saleh al-Quayri, Ahmad Al-Shayi and Saddam al-Qassabi) kept TV audiences captive with accounts of how al Qaeda is losing in Iraq.
* Inside Iraq, al Qaeda has not been able to replace at least five key commanders killed or captured in the past six months. As in any war, what counts in this war is the protagonists' states of mind. No war is won with a defeatist discourse. The "surge" was a political signal that the United States did not intend to abandon its allies. That signal persuaded fence-sitters in Iraq - and, beyond it, in the broader Arab world - to take sides. Most chose the side of new Iraq against its internal and external foes. America and its Iraqi allies can't be defeated in Iraq. But defeat could be manufactured in Washington, where part of the U.S. elite seeks it in order to win in the domestic political war. Each time an American politician speaks of defeat, he encourages the terrorists, discourages allies, signals to fence sitters to look elsewhere - and thus prolongs the war.
Thursday, September 13, 2007
Killing and capturing large chunks of al qaeda
Al-Qaida in Iraq takes heavy losses http://www.breitbart.com/print.php?id=upiUPI-20070913-084219-1743&show_article=1 Sep 13 09:25 AM US/Eastern BAGHDAD, Sept. 13 (UPI) -- Al-Qaida militants in Iraq have taken heavy losses in two joint U.S.-Iraqi raids north of Baghdad, the U.S. military reported Thursday.In one operation involving more than 1,000 U.S. troops and Iraq Special Forces in the Hemreen mountain area and Diyala river valley, three al-Qaida fighters were killed and 80 others were arrested, the Army statement said.The report said four of the arrested men are considered senior leaders in the terror group, Kuwait’s KUNA news agency reported. U.S. air support was used to conclude the raid, after which a major weapons cache was found, the statement said. Elsewhere in Salah Al-Din province, U.S. forces arrested 12 al-Qaida suspects and destroyed an entire house packed with explosives and weaponry, the report said.
Wednesday, September 12, 2007
The Sunni Side of the Street: A hopeful gathering in Ramadi.
http://www.weeklystandard.com/Content/Public/Articles/000/000/014/085arpvv.asp
by Mario Loyola As U.S. forces have pushed out from their bases and into neighborhoods across Iraq, and the surge has dramatically increased their capacity for offensive operations, a sense of security has swept into many parts of the country. Just as quickly--and just as proponents of the surge predicted--the seeds of political progress have begun to sprout. That was clear last week at the Anbar Forum, a historic gathering of national, provincial, and tribal leaders in Ramadi, the capital of Anbar province. The Forum was hosted by the burly and jovial governor of Anbar, Mamoun Sami Rashid, who is said to have survived at least 34 assassination attempts. Among the guests where Iraq's two vice-presidents, Adil Abd al-Mahdi and Tariq al-Hashimi; deputy prime minister Barham Salih; and several members of parliament. Adding glamour to the guest-list were several dozen "paramount sheikhs" from Anbar's tribes, including Sattar al-Rishawi, who founded the Anbar Salvation Front and is credited by many as leader of the Anbar Awakening--as well as a show-stopping congressional delegation led by Senator Joseph Biden. Having visited the government center in Ramadi about a month ago, I had trouble believing this was the same place. The ubiquitous traces of heavy machine-gun fire have disappeared; rubble has been removed; roads have been swept and washed; sidewalks and walls painted; shrubs and flowers planted. Nearby markets overflow with busy shoppers. Though timed suspiciously close to the congressionally mandated midterm report on progress in Iraq, due this week, the forum was ostensibly unrelated. Its formal purpose was for the central government to announce a series of measures meant to mollify Iraq's Sunnis--who are centered in Anbar province. The Sunnis have two chief grievances against the central government: the lack of economic support for provincial reconstruction and provision of basic services (in Iraq, as in most Arab countries, provincial and local governments do not generate their own revenue) and the exploding population of Sunni "security detainees" held by the Shiite-dominated police and judicial system. Shockingly, virtually all of these detainees are held for months or years before even a preliminary hearing, whereupon nearly 50 percent of them are summarily released, or acquitted after short trials, for lack of evidence. Frustration with the government's failure to address the detainee issue is what led the Accordance Front to withdraw its six ministers from Maliki's government in July.The Anbar Forum addressed both grievances. The government announced an enormous economic aid package for the remaining months of 2007: $70 million of additional money for various services (water, energy, health, etc.), $50 million in compensation to those whose homes were damaged or destroyed in large-scale fighting, and a $30 million microfinancing facility for business start-ups. There are plans for a Haditha dam to supply Anbar's cities with electricity directly (right now it goes by way of Baghdad) and a program to hire 6,000 new civil servants in Anbar. The government also committed to a program of judicial reform, promising to release hundreds of detainees immediately and establish targets for quick processing of the backlog of cases. The announcements were well-received, and one interpreter, who has attended many similar gatherings, noted that the atmosphere was warm and collegial. There was one partial exception, however: Senator Joseph Biden offered a short set of remarks that oscillated between the surprisingly supportive and the marginally insulting. Evoking the difficulties of America's own early formative period, Biden raised eyebrows with this charming statement: "Maybe you will do better than we did. But, respectfully, I doubt it." He continued: These are difficult days. But as you are proving you can forge a future for Iraq that is much brighter than its past. If you continue we will continue to send you our sons and our daughters, to shed their blood with you and for you. But if you decide that you cannot live together, let us know. Then my son, who is a captain in the Army, will be able to stay home. I surely wish you well and Godspeed, as our futures are now tied together. The exegesis of these comments began as soon as the gathering broke for lunch. The general perception was that Biden's principal audience was back home in America. But many of the Iraqi leaders present expressed understanding and even a reticent agreement with his point of view. This was also politically expedient: The central government delegation consisted mainly of Sunnis, and their position all along has been that it is the other side--Maliki and his Shiites--who are blocking reconciliation. Another politically expedient response came thousands of miles away, when Senator Chuck Schumer, confronted with the Anbar Forum and the possibility that political progress will follow military progress, rolled out a catchy new talking point: Recent progress has come not because of the surge, but in spite of it.Democratic party leaders have few alternatives. If they acknowledge that things are improving in Iraq, their constituents who once supported the war--and who helped both reelect the president in 2004 and give the Democrats control of Congress in 2006--may go back to supporting the war and the administration. The Democrats are now falling back on the redoubts they prepared months in advance--the congressionally mandated benchmarks for political progress, which fail to acknowledge progress on the ground. For example, the recent GAO report notes that Iraq has yet to pass an oil-revenue-sharing law. But, as Iraq's deputy prime minister pointed out at the Anbar Forum, the central government is in fact already sharing that revenue without a formal law. Indeed, throughout the country, central and local governments are working together to refurbish hospitals, rehabilitate railways, and establish free trade zones. Tens of thousands of Sunni Iraqis have joined the security forces of the Ministry of Interior, which is dominated by Shiites. As many commentators have noted, events in Iraq over the past six months are not just positive--in some cases they have exceeded the most optimistic of prognostications. Indeed in places like Diyala province and the Tigris valley south of Baghdad where the U.S. military is on the offensive, or Anbar where the enemy has been defeated, the troops are jubilant. And because they fought so hard for legitimacy and law, the troops have been increasingly rewarded with the trust and friendship of common Iraqis. At the Anbar Forum, this friendship was obvious in the warm and familiar embrace of tribal sheikhs and U.S. officers--and in the reaction to President Bush's pledge earlier in the week that the United States would not abandon its friends in Iraq. According to Army colonel John Charlton, commander of the force that cleared Ramadi of insurgents, it was a message the Anbaris needed to hear. "They were worried. They have a lot at stake. And it meant the world to them." The Anbar Forum looked forward to the monumental work ahead, but it was also an opportunity to look back on how far we've come in just one year, and that made it a festive occasion, too--for all except a certain ambivalent senator from Delaware.
Tuesday, September 11, 2007
bin laden calls for more dead terrorists
New Bin Laden video urges 'caravan' of martyrs
By LEE KEATH Associated Press CAIRO, Egypt — Osama bin Laden urged sympathizers to join the "caravan" of martyrs as he praised one of the Sept. 11 suicide hijackers in a new video that emerged today to mark the sixth anniversary of the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon. Al-Qaida traditionally issues a video every year on the anniversary, with the last testament of one of the 19 hijackers involved in the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks. This year's video showed hijacker Waleed al-Shehri addressing the camera and warning the U.S.: "We shall come at you from your front and back, your right and left." The new message came days after the world got its first current look at bin Laden in nearly three years, with the release of a video Saturday in which the terror leader addressed the American people. The latest videotape, of the hijacker's testament, had not yet been posted on extremist Web sites. But IntelCenter, a monitoring group in suburban Washington, said it had obtained the 47-minute video and provided it to AP Television News. It begins with an audiotape introduction by bin Laden. While his voice is heard, the video shows a still image of him, raising his finger. In the image, bin Laden has the same dyed-black beard and the same clothes — a white robe and cap and beige cloak — that he had in Saturday's video. But it was not known if the audiotape was recently made. In the past, al-Qaida has used footage and audio of bin Laden taped long ago for release later. In the tape, bin Laden praised al-Shehri, saying he "recognized the truth" that Arab rulers were "vassals" of the West and had "abandoned the balance of (Islamic) revelation." "It is true that this young man was little in years, but the faith in his heart was big," he said. "So there is a huge difference between the path of the kings, presidents and hypocritical Ulama (Islamic scholars) and the path of these noble young men," like al-Shehri, bin Laden said. "The formers' lot is to spoil and enjoy themselves whereas the latters' lot is to destroy themselves for Allah's Word to be Supreme." "It remains for us to do our part. So I tell every young man among the youth of Islam: It is your duty to join the caravan (of martyrs) until the sufficiency is complete and the march to aid the High and Omnipotent continues," he said. At the end of his speech, bin Laden also mentions the al-Qaida leader in Iraq, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who was killed in an U.S. air strike there. Al-Zarqawi followed in the footsteps of al-Shehri and his brothers who "fulfilled their promises to God." "And now it is our turn," bin Laden says.
After bin Laden speaks, the video of al-Shehri appears. Al-Shehri — one of the hijackers on American Airlines Flight 11, which hit the World Trade Center — is seen wearing a white robe and headscarf, with a full black beard, speaking in front of a backdrop with images of the burning World Trade Center.
"We shall come at you from your front and back, your right and left," al-Shehri said, asserting that America would suffer the same fate as the Soviet Union.
He also praised the losses the United States suffered in Somalia in late 1993.
"As for our own fortune, it is not in this world," he said. "And we are not competing with you for this world, because it does not equal in Allah's eyes the wing of a mosquito." Al-Shehri warned Muslims who strayed to return to their religion and deplored the state of those who abandoned Muslim holy war, or jihad. "The condition of Islam at the present time makes one cry ... in view of the weakness, humiliation, scorn and enslavement it is suffering because it neglected the obligations of Allah and His orders, and permitted His forbidden things and abandoned jihad in Allah's path," he said. Suicide attacks for al-Qaida and other militant groups often videotape last testaments before carrying out their attacks. Every Sept. 11 anniversary, al-Qaida has used the tapes in a bid to rally its supporters by glorifying its "martyrs." Bin Laden's new appearances underline the failure to find the terror leader that President Bush vowed in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks to take "dead or alive." On Sunday, Bush's homeland security adviser Frances Fragos Townsend sought to play down bin Laden's importance — and added a taunt, saying he was "virtually impotent." But terrorism experts say al-Qaida's core leadership is regrouping in the lawless Pakistan-Afghanistan border region. The latest National Intelligence Estimate says the network is growing in strength, intensifying its efforts to put operatives in the United States and plot new attacks. Bin Laden's video on Saturday was his first message in over a year — since a July 1, 2006 audiotape. The images came under close scrutiny from U.S. intelligence agencies, looking for clues to the 50-year-old's health and whereabouts.
Monday, September 10, 2007
Liberal hacks insulting our four star general..
Col. Joe Repya: The Assault on General David Petraeus
Today, Monday, September 10, 2007, US Army General David Petraeus, Commander of Multi National Forces – Iraq will be publicly persecuted by some members of the US Senate. Not all will join in the attacks, only those Senators more politically vicious and partisan will participate. They will be the same Senators who only months ago voted unanimously to appoint General Petraeus to run the Iraq war. Remember this is the war that Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nevada) recently told American troops and their families, “We have already lost.” That statement creates a major problem for defeatist Senate Democrats, like Assistant Majority Leader Dick Durbin (D-Illinois), Ted Kennedy & John Kerry (D- Massachusetts), and Hillary Clinton (D-New York), who claimed Democrats were swept into power in the election of 2006 because the American people were tired of the war. The change of strategy or “Surge” that General Petraeus developed and implemented is showing positive signs that we can actually win this struggle. Instead Democrats attack General Petraeus’ report as untruthful, misrepresenting the facts, manipulating and/or “cherry picking the numbers.” All this before General Petraeus even delivers his report to Congress.As a former soldier I find the idea of surrender in Iraq to be quite contemptible. The American people realize we must be victorious in Iraq. Unconscionably, Senate Democrats, many of the 77 Senators who voted for war authorization, now attack the very people, “OUR TROOPS”, fighting this war. Sorry to state the obvious, but General Petraeus is one of “Our Troops”. To imply that he is untruthful, misrepresents the facts, manipulates the numbers or allows intelligence reports to be “cherry picked” is an insult to all of us who currently serve, have served or will serve in Iraq. There have been many mistakes made both militarily and politically in Iraq. Our intelligence was not foolproof in March of 2003. Those with military experience know that our intelligence wasn’t accurate at Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941 or in December 1944 at the Battle of the Bulge. Certainly intelligence was lacking before the attack on 9-11-2001. However, Congress approved the Iraq war based on 16 separate reasons (WMD’s being only one reason). It is appalling to me that voters are so willing to accept the spin that their politicians “were duped and lied to” by President Bush. If that is true, how could any thinking educated individual ever vote again for a person so easily bamboozled?I have met General Petraeus a number of times while on active duty. I knew many of the officers who trained, mentored and molded this brave warrior. He is a brilliant tactician and our top expert on counter insurgency warfare. Questioning his integrity, for partisan political purposes, is nothing less then shameful. It is terribly troubling that at a time of war we would have elected officials so willing to perpetuate their political agendas that they would assault our military and its leaders in this manner. I only wish that these partisan politicians in Congress were held to the same ethical standards as our military.Many Democrats, pandering to their extreme anti-war interest groups, turn a blind eye to the headway that even the CBS anchor Katie Couric and the New York Times have acknowledged. You only need to look at recent headlines, the terrorist arrests in England, the Netherlands, and Germany, and Osama Bin Laden’s tape to realize that the “Surge” is forcing Al Qaeda to prove they are still relevant in Iraq. Now MoveOn.org has called General Petraeus a traitor, an insult to all who serve in our military. Where are the Democrats denouncing the ad by MoveOn.org?This week our enemies gleefully will watch this public display of political theater unfold, complete with repeated partisan attacks on a good and honorable man. General Petraeus is an impeccably honest leader and soldier, a man who has dedicated his life to the service of this great nation in time of war and peace. His family has suffered the same long and painful separations all military families have endured. Yet Senate Democrats have already questioned his honesty and others will attempt to shed him of his dignity. Meanwhile, their accomplices in the media will attempt to raise questions as to the accuracy and validity of his report and testimony. This is the shameful state of American politics today. For General Petraeus and the men and women in our military that he represents to be subjected to this circus during wartime is beyond the pale of human decency. Is there any wonder when polled that the American people claim so little faith in our Congress?
marines continue to win in anbar
The Watchmen In Anbar, the Marines do what they've always done.
by Mario Loyola
Kharma, Iraq. In Iraq's Anbar province most of the U.S. military has moved beyond counterinsurgency and into "stability operations"--but not Company K, 3/3 of the Marines 6th Regimental Combat Team. Not entirely. This flat, grassy, and serenely rural farm country a few miles northeast of Fallujah, near the town of Kharma, is one of the few areas of Anbar province that still has some insurgency left to counter. In the three days before I arrived for my stay with 3/3, the company had found seven IEDs on the roads within a mile of their tiny base. The various platoons on patrol, billeted in local houses, were still taking small-arms and mortar fire nightly. Captain Jaisun Hanson, the company's sober and soft-spoken commanding officer, invited me to join him on a visit to several new checkpoints of the local Iraqi Civilian Watch--the informal neighborhood guards that have been springing up in many parts of Iraq. A small convoy took us to collect "Colonel" Salam, a former officer in the Iraqi Army, nephew of a sheik who was recently murdered by al Qaeda, and now a rising leader in the area. Salam has taken the lead in organizing the ICW in this little corner of Iraq. Salam seems to have little idea how crucial his efforts are to the Coalition. The Marines here are "pushing out" from the area around Fallujah towards the operational "seam" between their jurisdiction and the Coalition forces of the Baghdad military region to the north and west. In a methodical application of "clear, hold, and build," the Marines are advancing a "clearing" line and backfilling it for the "hold and build" with Iraqi Security Forces and an array of civil affairs and reconstruction activities--including, crucially, the ICW.When the major tribes of western Iraq pledged to join forces against the al Qaeda scourge, many sheiks pledged the young men of their families to organize for local protection. The commanders of the Marine Expeditionary Force have used the example of these leading sheiks to convince others to do the same. In particular, they have methodically courted each of the tribes around Anbar's two most important cities--Ramadi and Fallujah. This has been vital to establishing a "defense-in-depth" of the hard-won peace that now reigns in both cities -- formerly the redoubts of the Sunni insurgency.
It's a great start. But as with any great endeavor, the road ahead is mostly obscured by daunting challenges. During my visits, I observed three immediate problems: first, how to credential the participating individuals so that they are in some minimal sense "official"; second, how to make sure they are armed well-enough to be effective; and third, how to keep a force meant to retard civil strife from becoming an accelerants of it. Proper credentials
The first night out we ran straight into the first of these problems at the newest of the checkpoints. Several of the ICW were armed but were missing some critical piece of identification. The most basic kind of neighborhood watch is now operating in Anbar, requiring just a rudimentary credentialing of willing participants: their personal information and biometrics (fingerprints and retina-scans) are collected and entered into a central Coalition database for record-keeping and basic vetting. They are then given an official ICW identity card and a fluorescent yellow reflective belt. These reflective belts, the same ones used by U.S. military personnel when they go jogging, were a clever solution, but the credentialed ICW have been passing them off their un-credentialed buddies. As a result we found armed men with weapons and ID cards but no belt (looks and smells like an insurgent); armed men with belts but no ID card (could actually be an insurgent); and armed men with neither (ditto + ditto). The captain gently pointed out that if they want to stand around with their weapons, they had to have proper ICW identification--otherwise they would be detained, or worse. They appeared very apologetic; but one turned to me and said, grinning, "Arabs don't like rules."Arming the good guys
The following morning we picked up processed ID cards and belts for several dozen more ICW and went to a local school (not yet in session) to process the new "recruits." As soon as we got there, the second of the major problems I mentioned--that of arming the ICW adequately--manifested in stark simplicity. Several of the new recruits showed up without the weapons they were supposed to bring along, and a local sheik, who had promised more men, was now asking the Marines to help him get weapons for them.U.S. policy is to assist the emerging ICW in every way--but not with weapons. The effort to establish law and order in a country is not normally served by arming irregular forces, least of all a land that is already drowning in assault rifles; and in any case there is the question of Shiite sensitivities. Many of the Anbaris we now seek to enfranchise are former Sunni insurgents (and in some cases former al Qaeda) and some have surely committed atrocities against Shiites. They must not be armed without a thorough vetting. In any case, each household is permitted one AK-47, so in theory most recruits should have access to a weapon.
The minor villain in this comedy of the weaponless watchmen was the local sheik, a somewhat corpulent Arab who had recently returned from safety to press his title. While congenial enough, he not only strikes one as a carpetbagger, but in addition seems embarrassed about it, a demeanor which, besides being rather queer, can't be good for someone with aspirations of tribal authority. He is also reputed to have run guns for the insurgents before the Marines wiped them out.In any case, the usually affable Captain Hanson was severe in his reaction to the sheik's entreaties and excuses: "There are certain things I can't give you. I can't you give you time and I can't give you weapons. We're running out of time. And it's time for you to get weapons." By the next day, the watchmen were armed--or so we were told.
Staying out of troubleLater the same day, we visited another checkpoint, where the third and potentially most serious of the problems I mentioned had already reached the stage of contention. This last checkpoint was the easternmost of those established under Captain Hanson's watch in the Albu Khalifa tribal area. It fell near the border of the next tribe to the east--the Halibusi, which is next on the list for clear, hold, and build, but is still mostly sitting on the fence, waiting to see how things turn out here. The Khalifa men at this checkpoint had received incoming small-arms fire from east and north of their position several times during the day. They feared that worse was in store and wanted permission to move in patrols away from their checkpoints and into the Halibusa area, pressing residents either to join them or have their weapons seized. Now here was the potential for a flare-up that could jeopardize or at least retard the prospects for a quick clearing out of what may be the only remaining insurgent pocket in all of Anbar province. Captain Hanson handled it deftly, pulling out the one card the Marines have that always calms people's nerves in this part of Iraq--namely, the Marines themselves.
He explained that the Marines were here to provide a buffer while the outlying region comes under control and the current state of nonviolence turns into real stability. He urged them to think about why they joined the force; how just as they had been motivated by the example of others, others would be inspired by theirs. "Once you show yourselves to be a legitimate force, others will want to join you--from all the tribes around here."
Legitimacy is the exit strategy Beyond the immediate challenges I saw, even larger and more daunting ones loom. How are these new local security institutions going to be stitched together? How are tribal authority structures going to be strengthened without weakening the constitutional scheme of local, provincial, and central government? How is lasting political reconciliation going to be achieved among people who sometime seem to trust each other less and less? These are difficult questions--and for all of them, the Marines have studies, theories, plans, and answers. It has been inspiring to watch them implement their commanders' thinking with such a clear sense of what that thinking is. The counterinsurgency strategy advanced by General David Petraeus states that "legitimacy is the main objective." And it is legitimacy that these Marines have really been fighting for. For all their firepower, what may have won the battle of Anbar for the Marines was the effort they put into understanding the tribes--their customs, their history, their priorities, their way of thinking and way of life. They have learned their protocols, they have learned to share meals with them like brothers, they have learned what to say when, and what to avoid doing. As Marine General John Allen, deputy commander of Coalition forces in western Iraq, likes to tell the troops, "You can't read enough about the tribes of Anbar."
One afternoon I had a chance to reflect with Captain Hanson on the work the Marines and their fellow soldiers do here. I told him, "you know it's amazing, but you Marines--the ones who are actually implementing all this guidance on the ground, interacting with Iraqis daily--you have such a huge responsibility. You have to understand the generals well enough to do what they would do. You even have to understand the ambassador well enough to know what he would do." He thought about that for a moment, and said quietly, "Well, the Marines have always done that." Last night, Marine Lieutenant Nick Smith came back to this tiny base from an afternoon spent processing and vetting some 22 new recruits for the neighborhood watch. He was in a jubilant mood. He kept telling me--and everyone else who would listen--how great it was to see the people here standing up to protect themselves, smiling and waving and thanking the Marines. "It makes you glad to be here. It's days like today, when you feel like you getting something great done, that it's cool to be in the Marine Corps."
Friday, September 07, 2007
the measure of progress in iraq
In another war, all this progress would be cause for bipartisan rejoicing.
http://www.opinionjournal.com/editorial/feature.html?id=110010573
Friday, September 7, 2007 Progress toward a more secure Iraq has now reached a point where the President of the United States and his Secretaries of State and Defense can make a visit to Anbar province and meet with Sunni tribal chieftains once allied with al Qaeda. So what better time to trot out a Congressional report that suggests, in effect, that no progress is being made at all? We'll get to that report in a moment. What's more important is to note the changes that have taken place in Iraq, all of which indicate that the "surge" is working and that we are at last on our way toward a positive military outcome. As General David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker prepare their testimony to Congress later this month, it's worth pointing to a few indicators: • There were 30 "multiple fatality" (usually suicide) bombings in August 2007. In August 2006 there were 52.
• There were 120 daily attacks by insurgents and militias last month, down from 160 in August 2006.
• 60,000 prisoners were being held by the U.S. and Iraq as of last month, up from 27,000 a year earlier.
• Iraqi security forces currently number 360,000, up from 298,000 a year ago.
Lest one suspect the figures cited above are Bush Administration propaganda, we hasten to add they were assembled by Michael O'Hanlon and Jason Campbell of the liberal-oriented Brookings Institution and published Tuesday on the op-ed page of the New York Times. Nor are these the only positive indicators. According to General Petraeus, the number of weapons caches seized by coalition forces rose to 4,141 in August from 1,977 in January. At the same time, he says, the incidence of sectarian violence is down by 75%. In Anbar province--which last year the U.S. military judged "lost" to the insurgents--tens of thousands of Sunni men are joining local, U.S.-allied security forces as well as the Shiite-dominated Iraqi Security Forces. It turns out al Qaeda overstayed its welcome. The ring of cities and towns around Baghdad, which for years had provided sanctuary for the insurgents, are being cleared out by U.S. and Iraqi military forces. Radical Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr has unilaterally called a halt to attacks by his militia on coalition and Iraqi forces. Sadr is reportedly hiding out in Iran.
None of this is to say that we are out of the woods in Iraq, nor that there aren't risks associated with the alliances the U.S. military is now forming with Sunni sheiks who were previously allied with the insurgents. But neither would the gains that have plainly been made been possible without a new commander, a new strategy, a heightened tempo of operations and the military resources needed to sustain them. In some other war, under some other Administration, all this would be cause for bipartisan rejoicing. So leave it to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid to pounce on the Congressional report, written by the Government Accountability Office, to salvage the bad news from the good. "We can't continue to sacrifice American lives, deplete our treasure and weaken our national security in pursuit of a goal that the Iraqi people themselves show no interest in achieving," said the Nevada Democrat on Tuesday. Leave to one side that the novice Iraqi parliamentarians are dealing with fundamental questions of state that Americans last reckoned with when Daniel Webster was in the Senate. Leave to one side, too, that some of the conclusions of the GAO assessment--particularly the suggestion that there has been no measurable decrease in sectarian violence--fly in the face of both U.S. military assessments and independent media reportage. The important question is the extent to which these benchmarks (some of them set earlier this year by the Bush Administration, others by the Iraqi government) are really decisive, at least in the short term, for a good outcome in Iraq. We hear a lot about the need for "reconciliation" between Shiites and Sunnis, but that never was going to happen at a political level while the Sunnis thought they had a fighting chance of dominating the country as they had under Saddam. Through a combination of U.S. military pressure, al Qaeda's excesses and the realization by Sunni tribal leaders that Shiite governance was going to be a fact of life, the Sunnis may at last be prepared to make realistic accommodations to their new status.
By the same token, reconciliation also depends on the kinds of leaders Shiites choose for themselves. We have no particular brief for Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki (about whom there is now so much bellyaching), having argued last year against the Administration's decision to force out former Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari in favor of Mr. Maliki. But whatever his flaws, Mr. Maliki--along with figures like politician Ahmed Chalabi and the Ayatollah Sistani--is at least a moderate figure who wants Iraq to retain its sovereignty rather than become an extension of Iran. That's more than can be said for Sadr and his ilk, and the Administration would do Iraq no favors by pushing for the fifth Iraqi government in as many years. The larger danger lies in focusing too much on the lack of political progress or allowing it to become an alibi for withdrawal. The Iraqi leaders whom Mr. Reid so cheaply denigrates in his speeches have all risked their lives for the sake of a free country. The U.S. can help them best by providing a more secure environment in which tough political decisions can be made. That's why Mr. Bush was right when he said he would only begin to withdraw troops "from a position of strength and success, not from a position of fear and failure." Nobody wants U.S. troops to remain in Iraq forever, but neither is it in anyone's interests to see another humiliating American withdrawal. Given the evidence of the last six months, that need not happen, and Washington's wavering politicians have no higher responsibility than to ensure it does not.
Thursday, September 06, 2007
More progress in baghdad
As attacks subside, Iraqis cautiously venture out
http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/headline/world/5111511.html
By HAMZA HENDAWI Associated Press Baghdad 6 September: It may be the only train still running in Baghdad.The ride at the Zawraa park still grinds along a rusty track carrying children wearing party hats and parents in their best outfits.In most places, such a scene signifies nothing more than a few smiles.In Baghdad, it's a portrait of a city's troubled soul.Far away — on Capitol Hill in Washington — the debate over U.S. policies in Iraq is filled with graphs and statistics. But perhaps a more accurate measure of where Iraq stands is found in Baghdad's streets, shops and living rooms.The perceptions of ordinary Iraqis — about their security, future, aspirations — are probably the most sensitive gauges of whether the U.S. military and diplomatic strategies are bringing meaningful change.For the moment, there's a growing sense of accommodation to the current level of violence.The U.S.-led security crackdown in the capital has reduced attacks and their unpredictability — fewer big suicide bombings in markets and other public spaces.Daily life unfolds at a cautious pace and under new rules.Shops are open. Parks fill up on nice days. People out for a stroll can let their imagination stray far from the war with travel agencies advertising holidays to Malaysia, Turkey and Syria.But nearly everyone remains bound by sectarian borders in their own city. Shiites stay in their neighborhoods. Sunnis do the same. The reordering of once-mixed Baghdad into separate, self-guarded enclaves is nearly complete — which perhaps has contributed to the downturn in violence as much as the troop surge."Business is good," smiled Hadi Qassim, the manager of Olive Branch, a men's clothing store in the mostly Shiite district of Karradah — a target of bombings and shelling blamed on Sunni extremists.Many in Baghdad — perhaps out of resilience or denial — have welcomed the drop in violence by satisfying their hunger for any taste of normal life.In Karradah, outdoor markets are busy. Children gobble ice cream and families munch on kebabs in outdoor restaurants. Merchants display home appliances made in South Korea, China and Iran, Coke and Pepsi bottled in Saudi Arabia or Jordan.Power and water outages — that can stretch up to several days — feed the sense of helplessness even if the tallies in Washington show a drop in attacks in Baghdad."We have no electricity, no water, no gas and no nothing," said Subeiha Abed Ali, 42, a housewife with five kids in the Shiite Sadr City district.But driving anywhere brings a different picture.Iraqi army and police man checkpoints, hundreds of checkpoints — some at 100-yard intervals. Billboards appeal for people to reclaim their city."130 for the sake of Iraq," declares one billboard, referring to a phone number intensely publicized by the government for anonymous tips on suspicious activity."Forgive and tolerate for the sake of a united Iraq," exhorts another message that speaks to sectarian tensions."All we want is security. It doesn't matter who provides it," said Umm Hamza, a widow with two college-age children."I want my children to finish their education and get jobs," she said.
Wednesday, September 05, 2007
Katie Couric in Iraq: "There is real progress going on"
Katie Couric: ‘Real Progress In Iraq’
Evening News Anchor Says Police Finally Making Inroads
http://wcbstv.com/seenon/local_story_247203227.html (CBS News)
BAGHDAD, Iraq Sep 5, 2007 One week before Gen. David Petraeus is expected to give his report on U.S. progress in Iraq, CBS Evening News anchor Katie Couric says she has already seen dramatic improvements in the country. "We hear so much about things going bad, but real progress has been made there in terms of security and stability," Couric said Tuesday. "I mean, obviously, infrastructure problems abound, but Sunnis and U.S. forces are working together. They banded together because they had a common enemy: al Qaeda." Couric traveled to the city of Fallujah in Anbar province, which U.S. forces entered in April 2003 and again in November 2004. That is the same city where, in house-to-house fighting, American forces uncovered nearly two-dozen torture chambers. "We found numerous houses, also, where people were just chained to a wall for extended periods of time," U.S. military intelligence officer Major Jim West said back on Nov. 22, 2004."The face of Satan was here in Fallujah, and I'm absolutely convinced that that was true," said Marine Lt. Col. Gareth Brandl. It is also the city where four American military contractors were set on fire, mutilated and hanged from a bridge by insurgents. Now Fallujah is "considered a real role model of something working right in Iraq," Couric said. Many more Iraqis have joined the Iraqi Security Forces in the overwhelmingly Sunni Anbar province. Despite mutual distrust, stemming from the power shift after Saddam Hussein's Baathist government fell, Sunnis and Shiites are working together in the ISF to fight al Qaeda in Iraq. However, Sunnis in Anbar continue to join the ISF. "The spike in police has really been significant," Couric said. "The incidents in Iraq have gone down dramatically." Security and stability have improved in Iraq, but basic services remain in disrepair. "I think everyone I talk to agrees that restoring basic services is really an imperative step in bringing stability and some kind of sense of society to Iraq," Couric said.
Tuesday, September 04, 2007
Odd surge of hope in baghdad
An odd surge of hope in Baghdad
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/iraq/article2369007.ece
Marie Colvin- Baghdad. UK Times September 3: OUR walk down the dusty road in Baghdad al-Jadida, a district in the southeast of the city, was slow. The American soldiers moving cautiously forward between the high walls of the houses turned repeatedly and scanned the street behind us for threats. The men were in camouflage uniforms and full battle gear, their M16s half-lifted and ready to fire should the enemy attack as we edged towards the mosque of a militant sheikh. Until a few weeks ago, gunfire, bombs and rockets were a daily menace to the soldiers of the 2nd Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment. They had been propelled into the heart of this hardline Shi’ite district by President George W Bush’s “troop surge” with orders to clear and hold it in the face of an onslaught by the Mahdi Army. Yet the first Iraqis they encountered in the 117F heat last Friday were a little girl and her parents standing at the open gate to their courtyard, who exchanged salaam alaikums (hellos) with a soldier. When the surge in this part of Baghdad began last March, the area was controlled by Mahdi Army followers of Moqtada al-Sadr, the radical Shi’ite cleric, who ambushed and killed coalition soldiers seemingly at will. The locals complied with their demands for money or out of fear. The second battalion soldiers who moved in were the first to base themselves in the area since 2003, the year of the invasion. They set themselves up in Base Rustamiyah, an old Iraqi army school, and implanted small companies of men in the worst neighbourhoods. By June they were engulfed in all-out war. Mortars and rockets pounded the base and its small outposts relentlessly. Soldiers were killed and wounded by snipers and roadside bombs. “It was more war than I ever want to see again,” said Major Brent Cummings, the second-in-command. Then the rain of mortars relented and during the past two weeks the roadside bombs, their enemy’s most potent weapon, have almost disappeared. The patrol I joined signified a new atmosphere. We drove from the Rustamiyah base in a convoy of seven Humvees, with 28 soldiers and two interpreters, along a dirt road through a concrete factory and a squatters’ camp of Shi’ite families driven from their homes elsewhere in Iraq. When we got out to walk, Captain Tyler Andersen, the 30-year-old platoon leader, wanted to assess the local mosque hung with a huge poster of al-Sadr and listen to what was being preached. In the event it turned out to be deserted. Andersen knocked on a family’s gate and was welcomed in and asked whether his soldiers wanted anything to drink. The welcome was not effusive but there was no hostility. “This is working,” Andersen said. “We should have been doing this four years ago. We got so many things wrong. In my experience, most Iraqis just want peace and quiet and want to get on with their lives.” The battalion’s statistics tell a stark story. In June, at the height of the fighting, 80 roadside bombs were detonated against its patrols. In August it was 19. There were 32 mortar or rocket attacks in June, but only 11 last month. The battalion’s experience is reflected in figures released last week by General David Petraeus, the top US commander in Iraq, who will report to Congress on the progress of the surge by September 15. In an interview with The Australian newspaper, he said that religious and ethnic killings in Baghdad were down by 75% since last year and the number of weapons caches seized had doubled between January and August. Al-Qaeda in Iraq has been largely driven from the city by a combination of US forces and Sunni fighters. While the toll being exacted across Iraq was illustrated yesterday by figures showing that the number of civilians killed rose from 1,653 in July to 1,773 in August, some measure of order appears to be returning to parts of Baghdad as a result of the surge. The progress is attributed not only to the increase in troop numbers but also to a change in tactics. Before it began, US forces would often pass through an area, fight and leave, allowing the insurgents to return. Once the surge was under way, Lieutenant Colonel Ralph Kauz-larich, commander of the battalion, put three small companies in tough neighbourhoods and kept them there. “The strategy is quite simply boots on the ground,” he said. The colonel believes his men inflicted their most significant casualties at the peak of the fighting in June and July. “We killed a lot of their first rank,” he said. His men are now facing second and third-level fighters from the Mahdi Army, although that does not mean the threat is over: Mahdi leaders have resorted to hiding improvised explosive devices (IEDs) inside dead water buffaloes. Further tactical changes during the summer included instructions to ensure that at least two members of any foot patrol are wearing see-through protective glasses rather than dark shades so that they can make eye contact with local residents. The battalion has started arresting anyone with weapons in their home, making it harder for the Mahdi Army to find hiding places for guns, and local people are starting to help with intelligence. “They may not love us but they realise we are going to stick around and they may as well work with us,” said the colonel. He even came to an arrangement with a senior Mahdi Army officer who was thrown into prison, offered release if he helped the Americans and is now involved in running a $30m sewerage programme. When I was reporting from Baghdad a year ago, the situation seemed hopeless with ethnic cleansing rife, car bombs costing hundreds of lives and scores of bodies dumped on the streets or floating in the Tigris each morning. The surge seems to have brought the possibility of success. Huge obstacles remain. Car bombings by Sunni groups may intensify in the run-up to the Petraeus report. Shi’ite death squads are still feared. Iraqi security forces will not be ready to take over for months. But some in Baghdad are starting to benefit from tangible improvements. This week will see the symbolic reopening of Abu Nawas Street, formerly a favourite spot for nighttime socialising which was famous for the “masgouf” fish dinners cooked on open fires. That tradition was ended by car bombs. Its return will be regarded by some Iraqis as a sign that life as it was may yet be restored.
Sunday, September 02, 2007
More US troops winning equals fewer US casualties
Notice how the so called "experts" are just wildly confused as to how it can possibly be that we are winning and losing fewer men now..
Casualties drop despite U.S. buildup
BY NANCY A. YOUSSEF
American combat deaths in Iraq have dropped by half in the three months since the buildup of 28,000 additional U.S. troops reached full strength, surprising analysts and dividing them as to why. U.S. officials had predicted that the personnel increase would lead to higher American casualties as the troops ''took the fight to the enemy.'' But that hasn't happened, even though U.S. forces launched major offensives involving thousands of troops north and south of Baghdad.
American combat casualties have declined to their lowest levels this year, even as violence involving Iraqis remains high.
Military officials and observers are wondering whether the lower U.S. casualties are a sign of success or an indication that insurgents and militiamen simply chose a different battlefield when the Americans mounted their offensive in Iraq's capital. ''Nobody here is doing cartwheels yet,'' said one senior military official at the Pentagon, who requested anonymity in order to speak freely.
One British analyst, using the example of the British drawdown of forces in southern Iraq, suggested that the lower numbers may mean that American troops are irrelevant to the many conflicts wracking Iraq: ethnic cleansing of neighborhoods in Baghdad, massive bombings of religious minorities by Sunni Muslim extremists in northern Iraq and Shiite-on-Shiite-Muslim violence in southern Iraq. Instead, he suggested, Iraq's armed factions and politicians are already thinking beyond the troop buildup. ''Everyone is preparing for what happens'' after U.S. forces leave, said James Denselow, an Iraq specialist at the London-based Chatham House, a foreign-affairs research institute.
IRAQIS' REACTIONS Supporters of the troop increase say the lower casualty figures show that the larger number of troops and the counterinsurgency approach of Gen. David Petraeus, the latest U.S. commander in Iraq, have turned Iraqi citizens against armed groups, putting them on the run and fracturing them. ''The population is progressively turning to coalition and Iraqi forces and making a positive difference in bringing security to their towns, villages and neighborhoods,'' Lt. Gen. Raymond Odierno, the No. 2 commander, said in August. ``They are pointing out extremist leaders, identifying caches and [improvised explosive devices] and asking to be a part of the legitimate Iraqi security force.'' Others, however, noted that as U.S. combat deaths have declined, deaths among Iraqi civilians have remained constant and the ''ethnic cleansing'' -- the street-by-street homogenization -- of Baghdad's neighborhoods has continued almost unabated. While the Shiite Mahdi Army militia has lowered its profile in the capital, it has battled the rival Badr Organization of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council for control of southern Iraq. Two southern provincial governors have been assassinated -- many allege by the Mahdi Army. In northern Iraq, suspected Sunni insurgents killed more than 400 people in a coordinated attack on two villages, the largest terrorist act since the 9/11 attacks on New York and the Pentagon. ''We know a lot of them have left Baghdad,'' the senior Pentagon official said. Understanding why American combat deaths are down is important because the verdict on the buildup is a driving issue in the growing domestic debate over what to do in Iraq. Opponents use the lower casualty figure to argue that American troop deaths aren't worth the security gains in Iraq, while supporters say the figure shows that Iraqis are moving toward supporting the U.S.-backed government of Prime Minister Nouri al Maliki.
SUNNI COOPERATION Most agree that a second reason for the decline is the dramatic change of conditions in Anbar province, where former Sunni insurgents have teamed up with American troops to rid the province of the group al Qaeda in Iraq. About one-third of U.S. casualties have been in Anbar province, but that has shifted since the troop increase began. In August, about 10 percent of U.S. casualties occurred there, compared with 30 percent in January, when the buildup began. Shiites are fighting one another for control of the southern provinces. Some Pentagon commanders have told McClatchy that they think rebel cleric Muqtada al Sadr's Mahdi Army left Baghdad before the built-up forces began to fight in the south. Throughout the buildup, Sadr has issued statements discouraging his followers from attacking U.S. forces and Baghdad's fortified Green Zone, most recently last week.
NO COMPLACENCY At the Pentagon, officials are quietly cheering the drop but remain cautious: Casualties could spike again as early as this month, during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, which has traditionally been a violent period in Iraq. Ramadan is slated to begin this year about Sept. 12.
Publicly, officials say the decline in U.S. deaths is a combination of all those factors. ''I think the surge forces have clearly contributed to security,'' said Geoff Morrell, a Pentagon spokesman. ``They've created a climate in which people feel more comfortable cooperating with American forces. We've seen a dramatic increase in the number of tips about insurgent activities, which has allowed us to stop and preempt attacks before they take place.'' U.S. officials said they had arrested significantly more insurgents and militiamen since the buildup began, but they couldn't provide figures for enemy combatants killed. Since the war began, Pentagon statistics have shown that combat deaths often rise at the beginning of major military operations and drop in subsequent months.
Loren Thompson, a military analyst at the Lexington Institute, a Washington-area research center, warned that reducing the number of troops could lead to an increase in casualties. He said the reason for the drop could be that the size of the built-up forces intimidated Iraq's various factions. ''Ironically, we may lose fewer soldiers the more we have exposed'' to combat, Thompson said.
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