angelina jolie: we need to stay and help in iraq

Staying to Help in Iraq We have finally reached a point where humanitarian assistance, from us and others, can have an impact. By Angelina Jolie Thursday, February 28, 2008; The request is familiar to American ears: "Bring them home." But in Iraq, where I've just met with American and Iraqi leaders, the phrase carries a different meaning. It does not refer to the departure of U.S. troops, but to the return of the millions of innocent Iraqis who have been driven out of their homes and, in many cases, out of the country. In the six months since my previous visit to Iraq with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, this humanitarian crisis has not improved. However, during the last week, the United States, UNHCR and the Iraqi government have begun to work together in new and important ways. We still don't know exactly how many Iraqis have fled their homes, where they've all gone, or how they're managing to survive. Here is what we do know: More than 2 million people are refugees inside their own country -- without homes, jobs and, to a terrible degree, without medicine, food or clean water. Ethnic cleansing and other acts of unspeakable violence have driven them into a vast and very dangerous no-man's land. Many of the survivors huddle in mosques, in abandoned buildings with no electricity, in tents or in one-room huts made of straw and mud. Fifty-eight percent of these internally displaced people are younger than 12 years old. An additional 2.5 million Iraqis have sought refuge outside Iraq, mainly in Syria and Jordan. But those host countries have reached their limits. Overwhelmed by the refugees they already have, these countries have essentially closed their borders until the international community provides support. I'm not a security expert, but it doesn't take one to see that Syria and Jordan are carrying an unsustainable burden. They have been excellent hosts, but we can't expect them to care for millions of poor Iraqis indefinitely and without assistance from the U.S. or others. One-sixth of Jordan's population today is Iraqi refugees. The large burden is already causing tension internally. The Iraqi families I've met on my trips to the region are proud and resilient. They don't want anything from us other than the chance to return to their homes -- or, where those homes have been bombed to the ground or occupied by squatters, to build new ones and get back to their lives. One thing is certain: It will be quite a while before Iraq is ready to absorb more than 4 million refugees and displaced people. But it is not too early to start working on solutions. And last week, there were signs of progress. In Baghdad, I spoke with Army Gen. David Petraeus about UNHCR's need for security information and protection for its staff as they re-enter Iraq, and I am pleased that he has offered that support. General Petraeus also told me he would support new efforts to address the humanitarian crisis "to the maximum extent possible" -- which leaves me hopeful that more progress can be made. UNHCR is certainly committed to that. Last week while in Iraq, High Commissioner António Guterres pledged to increase UNHCR's presence there and to work closely with the Iraqi government, both in assessing the conditions required for return and in providing humanitarian relief. During my trip I also met with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, who has announced the creation of a new committee to oversee issues related to internally displaced people, and a pledge of $40 million to support the effort. My visit left me even more deeply convinced that we not only have a moral obligation to help displaced Iraqi families, but also a serious, long-term, national security interest in ending this crisis. Today's humanitarian crisis in Iraq -- and the potential consequences for our national security -- are great. Can the United States afford to gamble that 4 million or more poor and displaced people, in the heart of Middle East, won't explode in violent desperation, sending the whole region into further disorder? What we cannot afford, in my view, is to squander the progress that has been made. In fact, we should step up our financial and material assistance. UNHCR has appealed for $261 million this year to provide for refugees and internally displaced persons. That is not a small amount of money -- but it is less than the U.S. spends each day to fight the war in Iraq. I would like to call on each of the presidential candidates and congressional leaders to announce a comprehensive refugee plan with a specific timeline and budget as part of their Iraq strategy. As for the question of whether the surge is working, I can only state what I witnessed: U.N. staff and those of non-governmental organizations seem to feel they have the right set of circumstances to attempt to scale up their programs. And when I asked the troops if they wanted to go home as soon as possible, they said that they miss home but feel invested in Iraq. They have lost many friends and want to be a part of the humanitarian progress they now feel is possible. It seems to me that now is the moment to address the humanitarian side of this situation. Without the right support, we could miss an opportunity to do some of the good we always stated we intended to do. Angelina Jolie, an actor, is a UNHCR goodwill ambassador.

arms race fear as us plans indian missile shield

Arms race fear as US plans India missile shield By Rahul Bedi in New Delhi 28/02/2008 The United States and India are in talks to join forces on a missile defence system - despite fears it could trigger an arms race with China. The proposal, still at an early stage, is part of an evolving strategic partnership between the world's two largest democracies. But the fear in Beijing is that the US is trying to "encircle" China by using India and allies such as Japan and Australia as proxies, and thereby stifle its strategic rise. The US defence secretary, Robert Gates, said in New Delhi: "We're beginning to talk about conducting a joint analysis on what India's needs would be in the realm of missile defence, and where co-operation might help advance that." Mr Gates denied that the proposal was part of a tactic to "hedge" against the rise of China. "I don't see our military relationship in this region in the context of any other country, including China," he said. However, officials travelling with him suggested it was no coincidence that Mr Gates's tour had encompassed three democracies - India, Australia and Indonesia - with which the US had a "fundamental commonality of interests". Mr Gates's two-day Delhi visit is geared towards pushing sales for American defence contractors, as well as to strengthen bilateral strategic ties. Nevertheless, the suggestion of extending the US missile defence shield at a time when China and India have a number of unresolved border disputes, came as a surprise. Mr Gates insisted talks on the joint missile shield were at an early stage. "We're not looking for quick results or big leaps forward but rather a steady expansion of this relationship that leaves everybody comfortable and one that works in terms of Indian domestic politics and also for us," he said. Defence analysts, however, said such a collaboration would complicate relations with China as well as India's other nuclear-armed neighbours, Pakistan and Russia. Until now, Russia has been India's biggest supplier of military hardware. "Such an arrangement could trigger a regional arms race, with the potential to turn the sub-continent into a virtual flashpoint," a senior Indian military officer said. India is tentative about entering a joint missile defence shield with Washington, as it is pursuing a similar domestic programme of its own. But closer strategic ties with the US and the gradual acquisition of American military equipment has prompted Washington to push the relationship further. Analysts said offering closer defence ties shows the US is keen to build India up as a "counterweight" to China's burgeoning military might - even though Delhi itself has expressed reservations about the "encirclement" of China. In another move likely to heighten tensions with Russia, America yesterday tied up the military elements of a deal to build its controversial missile defence shield in Europe. The agreement came in Washington as President George W Bush met Mirek Topolanek, the Czech prime minister. The Czech Republic is now likely to host a radar base that will scan the skies for missiles fired by "rogue states", notably Iran.

iraqi civilians continue to step forward in war..

Citizens’ Tips Lead Iraqi, U.S. Soldiers to 11 Weapon Caches Tuesday, 26 February 2008 CAMP STRIKER — Local citizens gave information to Iraqi Army (IA) and U.S. Soldiers that removed hazardous materials off the streets near Janabi Village and Qarghuli, Feb. 22. The Iron Rakkasans of Company C, 3rd Battalion, 187th Infantry Regiment, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault), uncovered numerous weapon caches with their IA counterparts in the past week. “The capture of 11 caches this week is the strongest indicator that the Iraqi Army is mastering the principles of counterinsurgency,” said Capt. Michael Starz, commander of Co. C, 3-187th Inf. Regt. IA Soldiers from 4th Battalion, 4th Brigade, 6th Iraqi Army Division turned over a cache from the Qarghuli area that contained various mortar and artillery rounds, rocket-propelled grenade components and rounds, rockets, more than 2,200 pounds of unknown bulk explosives, bulk ammunition and an improvised explosive device. Later in the day, a local citizen led Company C Soldiers to a site in the Janabi Village vicinity where seven cases of propellant, 15 rockets, mortar rounds, more than 300 rounds of ammunition and four bags of homemade explosives were found, among other items. Starz said the finds further solidify the partnership between IA and U.S. forces. “As our relationship with the Iraqi Army grows, so does our collective effectiveness,” he said. “The Iraqi Army continues to gain strength in this former insurgent stronghold.”

progress in hawr rajab south of baghdad

Reconstructing relationships: Hawr Rajab http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2008/02/reconstructing_relat.php Hawr Rajab and nearby Adwaniyah are two villages that have not gotten along well recently for a number of reasons. Lieutenant Colonel Solomon, the commander of the 6/8 Cavalry commands the forces that patrol both villages. Solomon chose to prioritize the rebuilding of the canal bridge that links the two communities. Iraqi Army and US forces secured the road, and an Iraqi contractor picked up the job of rebuilding the bridge, hiring labor from both towns. When the bridge was finished, both towns turned out for a ribbon-cutting ceremony and celebration. The sheikhs of the two towns threw a party: all the sheikhs and various dignitaries sat along each side of a long tent, enjoying refreshments and talking to one another -- many for the first time. Sheikh Ali of Hawr Rajab and Said Hazzim, the Adwaniyah representative to the district council in Rasheed, spent the day together. Ali introduced Hazzim to Colonel Hussein, commander of the Iraqi Army unit in the area, and they went together to nearby Forward Operating Base Falcon to receive detainees from both villages released that day.After the meeting, Solomon said: “Were objectives achieved today? Beyond my wildest dreams.” He went on to explain that Sheikh Ali and Said Hazzim barely spoke to each other before the bridge opening, and now they had a relationship that could be nurtured and developed. If al Qaeda in Iraq ever has the chance to surge back into the Arab Jabour region, relationships between disparate villages could be key to survival. Those relationships work many ways. If a slaughterhouse employs 50 people in Hawr Rajab, buys chickens in Adwaniyah from coops that employ 40 more, and sells meat in the Baghdad or Rasheed markets, all areas involved will have economic reasons to help one another. That is what reconstruction in Iraq is all about; providing basic services, jobs, and opportunities for trade, and building relationships at the same time.

more shops opening in rashid district of baghdad

60th Street Progress Continues: More Than 50 Shops Open http://www.mnf-iraq.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=17268&Itemid=1 BAGHDAD — During the past few months, Iraqis and Multi-National Division – Baghdad Soldiers have been working hard to make sure the economic resurgence thrives throughout Baghdad. The Soldiers of 2nd Squadron, 2nd Stryker Cavalry Regiment, attached to the 4th Infantry Brigade Combat Team, 1st Inf. Div., have been working with the Iraqi government on major restoration projects in the southeastern part of the Rashid district. Among the projects was the effort to restore 60th Street, which involved a three-step process: provide security, clean and restore the streets, and begin the micro-grant program. “The initial planning started with the security improvements that started back last fall,” said Capt. Kevin Wynes, a Washington, D.C., native, who serves as a civil affairs team leader assigned to Headquarters and Headquarters Company, 2nd Sqdn. The Iraqi Army took the lead in providing security for the area by establishing three checkpoints on 60th Street, in an attempt to help reassure the citizens that the ISF (Iraqi security forces) are committed to their security, he said. The improved security situation contributed to the viability of the projects now under way. “Security is the predicate for all economics,” said Maj. Patrick Garrett, a Hillsborough, Ore., native, who is assigned to Headquarters and Headquarters Company, 4th BCT, 1st Inf. Div., and serves as a Provincial Reconstruction Team governance advisor, attached to 2nd Sqdn. Once the streets were secure, sanitation crews were contracted by Coalition forces to clean the street and ready it for business. “Between our contracts and the Government of Iraq contributions, we were able to clean that street,” Wynes said. “The Government of Iraq is definitely doing its part in rebuilding. The Ministry of Electricity has committed to repairing not only 60th Street, but all of Hadar.” With the streets safe, clean and restored, the final step was to begin the economic revival of 60th Street. “In November, we didn’t have one shop open on 60th Street; in December, we had seven shops – and now we’ve got about 53 shops,” Wynes said. Shop owners have the ability to reopen their shops through the micro-grant program, which provides shop owners the monetary support they need to get started, Garrett said. “Here’s economic assistance to get them to open a shop more quickly than they would otherwise,” he added. “Micro-grants just help speed the system along.” With the Iraqi government and Coalition forces working together toward security and prosperity, the response from the people has been optimistic. “Everything we’ve heard so far has been extremely positive,” Wynes said. Now that al-Qaida has been removed from the area, people are really excited about their future, he explained.

pentagon questions obama's "soldier story"

Pentagon questions Obama’s soldier story- Captain tells NBC he was referring to shortages for training- not for combat NBC News and news services Fri., Feb. 22, 2008 WASHINGTON - The Pentagon on Friday tried to cast doubt on an account of military equipment shortages mentioned by Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama, whose campaign team stood by the story. In a debate with rival Hillary Clinton on Thursday evening, Obama said he had heard from an Army captain who served in Afghanistan and whose unit did not have enough ammunition or vehicles. Obama said it was easier for the troops to capture weapons from Taliban militants than it was "to get properly equipped by our current commander in chief," President Bush. "I find that account pretty hard to imagine," Pentagon spokesman Bryan Whitman told reporters. "Despite the stress that we readily acknowledge on the force, one of the things that we do is make sure that all of our units and service members that are going into harm's way are properly trained, equipped and with the leadership to be successful," he said. Captain: Training shortagesThe captain told NBC News that he was talking about not having enough ammunition and no Humvees for training, but that his unit underwent a three-week crash course in Afghanistan before they saw combat. The captain, who spoke on background because he's still active duty, said that his unit temporarily had to replace their .50-caliber turret-mounted machine gun with a weapon seized from the Taliban because they couldn't get a needed part fast enough. He did not say that any of the shortages contributed to any combat casualties in his unit. But he said any shortage, whether in training or combat operations, was inexcusable for the U.S. military. Obama said the captain had served as the head of a rifle platoon, which should have had 39 members — but 15 had been sent to Iraq so the unit deployed to Afghanistan had only 24 soldiers. Obama's campaign said an ABC News interview with the captain confirmed the story. ABC said the officer was a lieutenant when he led a platoon to Afghanistan in 2003. Fifteen soldiers were reassigned to other units in ones and twos and not replaced before the unit deployed, ABC cited the captain as saying. He knew 10 had gone to Iraq, and suspected the other five had too, ABC said. Running issue with militaryMilitary equipment shortages have been a big U.S. political issue, particularly in the early years of the Iraq war. A U.S. soldier confronted then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld over the topic in Kuwait in 2004, complaining that troops were forced to dig up scrap metal to protect their vehicles because the military did not have enough armor. Rumsfeld famously replied that "you go to war with the Army you have, not the Army you might want or wish to have at a later time" — a remark that drew widespread criticism. The U.S. Army said it was hard to verify the account cited by Obama without being able to identify the unit involved. Republican Sen. John Warner questioned Obama's recounting, calling it "a disturbing framework of factual allegations." Warner, who supports Sen. John McCain, told Obama in a letter that the incident likely happened on his watch as chairman of the Senate Armed Services. He said he's asked the Defense Department for information and will raise the issue next week in hearings with defense officials. He asked Obama for "the essential facts," including when and where the events happened and which units were involved.

More good news on the security/political fronts..

Muqtada Al-Sadr Extends Iraqi Cease-Fire http://ap.google.com/article/ALeqM5gkx-3oYeFwuWKCusr2jrojs98w8wD8UVAIU80 By KIM GAMEL BAGHDAD (AP) — Anti-U.S. cleric Muqtada al-Sadr announced Friday that he has extended a cease-fire order to his Shiite Mahdi Army by another six months, giving Iraq a chance to continue its fragile recovery from brutal sectarian violence. His message was delivered by Shiite clerics during prayer services in mosques dominated by followers of the black-turbaned cleric. "According to an order by Sayyid Muqtada, activities of the Mahdi Army will be suspended ... for another six month period," al-Sadr's aide Hazim al-Aaraji said, using an honorific for al-Sadr during his sermon at the Kazimiyah mosque in Baghdad. Al-Sadr's decision to halt the activities of his powerful militia for up to six months last August was one of three critical steps widely credited with bringing the Iraqi death toll down more than 60 percent in recent months. The other pieces of the puzzle are the so-called surge of U.S. troops and the move by U.S.-backed Sunni fighters to switch allegiances and start working against al-Qaida in Iraq. The U.S. military welcomed initial word of the decision, but pledged to continue cracking down on what it calls breakaway factions that persist in violence. "This extension of his August 2007 pledge of honor to halt attacks is an important commitment that can broadly contribute to further improvements in security for all Iraqi citizens," the military said in a statement. "It will also foster a better opportunity for national reconciliation and allow the coalition and Iraqi security forces to focus more intensively on al-Qaida terrorists." "Those who continue to honor al-Sayyid Muqtada al-Sadr's pledge will be treated with respect and restraint," it said. "Coalition and Iraqi security forces will continue to work closely with the Iraqi people to protect them from these criminals who violate the law and dishonor the commitment made by al-Sayyid Muqtada." The military also said it was open to dialogue with the Sadrists and "all groups who seek to bring about reconciliation in building the new Iraq." The American military has continued to raid Shiite groups it says are supported and trained by Iran and have splintered off from al-Sadr's militia. That's angered some followers of al-Sadr, who also are frustrated with the Iraqi government, and they had argued for an end to the cease-fire. According to an Associated Press count, at least 609 Iraqi civilians and security forces died in Iraq last month, compared to 1,920 killed in January 2007. Al-Sadr issued his order to his fighters to stand down on Aug. 29, days after deadly clashes in the holy city of Karbala between his Mahdi Army and the rival Badr militia of the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council, the country's largest Shiite party and a U.S. partner. Involvement in fighting among Shiites was chipping away at the young cleric's reputation as an uncompromising nationalist leader seeking to restore Iraq's full sovereignty and undermining his bid to become a national leader. Aides at the time said the cease-fire was designed to stop a Shiite-Shiite rift from spiraling out of control and to weed out infiltrators in his militia's ranks.

cnn reports on tremendous progress in falluja..

Falluja rebuilds, adjusts to peace http://www.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/02/21/iraq.falluja/index.html#cnnSTCVideo From Barbara Starr CNN FALLUJA, Iraq (CNN) -- Smoke rose from Falluja three short years ago. Once a stronghold for al Qaeda in Iraq, the city saw brutal urban combat after insurgents ambushed, killed and mutilated four U.S. security contractors, leaving their charred bodies dangling from a bridge over the Euphrates River in spring 2004. U.S. and Iraqi forces attacked insurgents in Falluja and embarked on one of the largest offensives of the Iraq war in November of that year. The battles killed about 1,200 militants, eight Iraqi soldiers and 51 U.S. troops, mostly Marines, according to the Pentagon. About 95 percent of Falluja's population was displaced. After the city 30 miles west of Baghdad was pacified, the United States committed more than $200 million to reconstruction projects in Falluja, and a lot has changed in the past three years. Now, small cafes and grocery stores line streets once dusty and abandoned. Customers finger vibrant clothes, fabric and jewelry in shops near beige concrete walls that still bear the scars of war. Watch colorful street scenes in Falluja » Violence is down, and there's more grass-roots support for the U.S. military and the Iraqi government in the predominantly Sunni Muslim city in Anbar province. Now, Iraqis in Falluja are back to the rhythms of everyday life: They work, shop -- and rebuild. To U.S. commanders, the dramatic turnaround shows why U.S. troops must stay longer in Iraq. The fragile security gains need time to take root in Falluja and other towns and cities in Iraq, they say, time that will help lift a fractured nation toward a future without so much bloodshed. Adm. William Fallon, head of the U.S. Central Command, toured Falluja this week and marveled at the resurgent city of several hundred thousand. He strolled its streets and stopped to accept a sip of tea that a shopkeeper offered in a glass mug resting in a white-and-red saucer. The admiral walked through markets full of tomatoes and meat, past rows of handbags and shoes for sale, near a smiling gaggle of children offering pastries on a plate. He saw vendors selling embroidered women's shirts of yellow and orange, lime green and light blue. "It's a huge change from the last time I was here," Fallon said, surveying a crowd near an outdoor butcher's stall, with carcasses strung up for customers to inspect. "Many, many more people are out." A team of U.S. Marines guarded the admiral at the beginning of his walking tour, but eventually the detail included only Iraqi police officers. Ordinary Iraqis approached to chat or shake his hand. Despite the progress, problems remain. Homes and businesses have power for only a few hours a day. People scramble to find fuel. And men without jobs linger on the streets; the United States even pays some of the unemployed so they won't gravitate to the insurgency. Yet the city is no longer synonymous with chaos, despair and violent death. The U.S. military is working to make normal life normal again in Falluja.

abc news reporting on huge progress in iraq

First Time That General Petraeus Is Cautiously Optimistic About Iraq http://abcnews.go.com/WN/story?id=4292435&page=1 ABC News Clarissa Ward Spends a Day With the General in Jihad, Iraq. By CLARISSA WARD BAGHDAD If you're looking for one measure of the impact of last year's troop surge in Iraq, look at Gen. David Petraeus as he walks through a Baghdad neighborhood, with no body armor, and no helmet. It's been one year since the beginning of what's known here as Operation Fardh Al Qadnoon. According to the U.S. military, violence is down 60 percent. One key to the success is reconciliation. "A big part of the effort, over the last year, has been to determine who is reconcilable, who, literally, is willing to put down his rifle and talk, who is willing to shout, instead of shoot." Petraeus said. I spent the day with Petraeus, touring Jihad, a predominantly Shiite area in western Baghdad. This place was formerly ravaged by sectarian violence, and militiamen wreaked havoc on the streets. In the last year, U.S. and Iraqi troops moved into the neighborhood, set up joint security stations, earned the trust of local people, and found those men willing to put down their guns and work with them. The results of the last year can be seen on the streets. A soccer team practices on the local pitch. The stalls in the market buzz with customers. I stop to talk to local residents, and ask if they feel a difference. Overwhelmingly, the answer is a resounding yes. "The situation in Jihad is certainly better than before," a mechanic named Ali said. "Work is constant, shops are reopening, and people are coming back to their homes." Notwithstanding significant progress, much work clearly remains. The Iraqi government has yet to capitalize on the relative peace and improve the local infrastructure. Sewage and trash fester in the streets. "We have very little electricity," Ali said. The hope is, that with the passing of a budget this week, that will change. "That unlocks a substantial amount of money for the ministries of Iraq, so that they can start going about the jobs that are so essential, like patching roads that we bounced down today; over long term, improving electricity, fixing water systems, sewer systems," Petraeus said. Normally very guarded in his assessments of the surge, Petraeus now expresses cautious optimism. "I have to tell you that, having been here for a number of years, this is very encouraging, actually. I mean, this is, this is potentially a big moment." he said. VIDEO STORY: http://abcnews.go.com/WN/Story?id=4292435&page=2

kissinger discusses the war against radical islam

SPIEGEL INTERVIEW WITH HENRY KISSINGER Former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, 84, has thrown his support behind John McCain. SPIEGEL spoke with Kissinger about Germany's Afghanistan mission, tepid European commitment to combatting Islamist extremism and whether direct talks with Iran should go ahead. SPIEGEL: Dr. Kissinger, you have endorsed Senator John McCain as your choice for the White House. McCain, though, has said he would be prepared to stay in Iraq for another 100 years. Are you sure he is the right man for the job? Former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger thinks that John McCain would make the best choice for the next US president. He would also like to see more European involvement in the fight against Islamist extremism.Kissinger: John and I have been friends for 30 years. I have great confidence in him. SPIEGEL: Most Americans would like to see a rapid withdrawal from Iraq and possibly Afghanistan. But McCain has made his motto "No Surrender." Kissinger: He was trying to make a distinction between American military forces in a country where they were there as part of a civil war and military forces that are part of an alliance accepted by the population, such as in Germany after World War II. He did not say we should stay in Iraq in a combat mission. He was trying to make exactly the opposite point. SPIEGEL: The Democrats have promised a rapid withdrawal. Is this a realistic option? Kissinger: The issue is: Are American forces withdrawn as part of a political settlement? Or are they withdrawn because America is exhausted by the war? In the latter case, the consequences of an American withdrawal would be catastrophic. SPIEGEL: Do you think there would be another eruption of violence? Kissinger: There would be a high possibility of killing fields. Radical Islam won't stop because we withdraw. A rapid withdrawal would be a demonstration in the region of the impotence of Western power. Hamas, Hezbollah, and al-Qaida would achieve a more dominant role, and the ability of Western nations to shape events would be sharply reduced. The virus would have huge consequences for all countries with large Muslim populations: India, Indonesia, and large parts of Europe. SPIEGEL: That is not how many Europeans see it. Kissinger: Some Europeans do not want to understand that this is not an American problem alone. The consequences of such an outcome would be at least as serious for Europe as for the Americans. SPIEGEL: What does Europe not understand? Paris, London and Berlin do not see the "war on terror" as a common challenge for the West? Kissinger: I don't like the term "war on terror" because terror is a method, not a political movement. We are in a war against radical Islam that is trying to overthrow the moderate elements in the Islamic world and which is fundamentally challenging the secular structures of Western societies. All this is happening at a difficult period in European history. SPIEGEL: Difficult why? Kissinger: The major events in European history were conducted by nation-states which developed over several hundred years. There was never a question in the mind of European populations that the state was authorized to ask for sacrifices and that the citizens had a duty to carry it out. Now the structure of the nation-state has been given up to some considerable extent in Europe. And the capacity of governments to ask for sacrifices has diminished correspondingly. SPIEGEL: Thirty years ago, you asked for one phone number that could be used to call Europe. Kissinger: ... and it happened. The problem now is: Nation-states have not just given up part of their sovereignty to the European Union but also part of their vision for their own future. Their future is now tied to the European Union, and the EU has not yet achieved a vision and loyalty comparable to the nation-state. So, there is a vacuum between Europe's past and Europe's future. DER SPIEGEL Kissinger would like to see more German involvement in Afghanistan.SPIEGEL: What do you expect from European leaders? Should German Chancellor Angela Merkel step up and ask the Germans to make sacrifices in the fight against terrorism? Kissinger: I think Angela Merkel, like any leader, has to think of her re-election. I have high regard for her. But I do not know many Europeans who would deny that the victory of radical Islam in Baghdad, Beirut or Saudi Arabia would have huge consequences for the West. However, they are not willing to fight to prevent it. SPIEGEL: For example in Afghanistan. Does NATO need more German troops in the southern part of the country? Kissinger: I think it is obvious that the United States cannot permanently do all the fighting for Western interests by itself. So, two conclusions are possible: Either there are no Western interests in the region and we don't fight. Or there are vital Western interests in the region and we have to fight. That means we need more German and NATO troops in Afghanistan. What I am not comfortable with is that some NATO members send troops primarily for non-combat missions. That cannot be a healthy situation in the long term. SPIEGEL: Many Germans say we have to stand up to the terrorists, but that Germans can't do the actual fighting, partly because of our history. You are intimately familiar with German history -- your family left Germany when you were nearly 15 years old. Is it fair for today's Germany to refer to the constraints of history? Kissinger: I understand it, but it is not a sustainable position. In the long run, we cannot have two categories of members in the NATO alliance: those that are willing to fight and others that are trying to be members à la carte. That cannot work for long. SPIEGEL: Do you think the Germans can be persuaded to change their approach? Kissinger: The Germans have to decide that for themselves. But if they stick to that attitude, Germany would be a different kind of nation than Britain or France or others. DDP German troops have largely focused on reconstruction in the relatively peaceful northern part of Afghanistan.SPIEGEL: Isn't German and European opposition to a greater military involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq also a result of deep distrust of American power? Kissinger: By this time next year, we will see the beginning of a new administration. We will then discover to what extent the Bush administration was the cause or the alibi for European-American disagreements. Right now, many Europeans hide behind the unpopularity of President Bush. And this administration made several mistakes in the beginning. SPIEGEL: What do you see as the biggest mistakes? Kissinger: To go into Iraq with insufficient troops, to disband the Iraqi army, the handling of the relations with allies at the beginning even though not every ally distinguished himself by loyalty. But I do believe that George W. Bush has correctly understood the global challenge we are facing, the threat of radical Islam, and that he has fought that battle with great fortitude. He will be appreciated for that later. SPIEGEL: In 50 years, historians will treat his legacy more kindly? Kissinger: That will happen much earlier. SPIEGEL: Will the next president of the United States ask for a greater European commitment? Kissinger: It is not impossible that a new administration will say that we can't go on without more European commitment. And that they would use this as an excuse for withdrawal from Iraq or Afghanistan. I don't think John McCain would do that, though. SPIEGEL: Barack Obama also says the conflict in Pakistan is the war Americans really need to win. Is he right? Kissinger: You can always say there is some other war I would rather want to fight than the one I am in. What does it mean to fight the war in Pakistan? Should we use military power to control the tribal regions in Pakistan and to conduct military operations in a region which Britain failed to pacify in over 100 years of colonization? Should we use military force to prevent a radical take-over of the Pakistani government? Should we prevent the Pakistani state from splitting up into three or four ethnically based groups? I don't think we have the capacity to do that. SPIEGEL: What about pushing for more military action against al-Qaida terrorists in the border regions with Afghanistan? Kissinger: The audience listening to such exhortations believes that there is a master plan to bring another government there and that this democratic government will fight the tribal regions. In the short-term, this is an illusion. SPIEGEL: What would be your advice for dealing with radical Islam and the governments in the region? DPA Talking to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad should only come after painful sanctions, says Kissinger.Kissinger: You cannot simultaneously attempt to overthrow the government of Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan in the name of democracy and fight radical Islam. The democratization processes and the war against radical Islam have a different time frame. SPIEGEL: Is it time for a strategic reassessment? You have experience with that: In the 1970s, Richard Nixon and you stunned the world by flying to China and sitting down with the Communist dictator Mao. Kissinger: We did not wake up one morning and say it would be beautiful to talk to Mao. Nixon and I both believed we needed to bring China into the international system. We tried to connect objective reality with moral considerations. And objective reality was changed by the Sino-Soviet tensions and the consequent commitment by Beijing to coexistence. SPIEGEL: Times have changed, but such moral considerations still exist. Should the new US president fly to Tehran and sit down with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad? Kissinger: Some believe that the mere act of conversation will alter the tension. I believe that negotiations succeed only if they reflect an objective reality. The key issue with Iran is whether it sees itself as a cause or as a nation. If Iran wants to be a respected nation-state in the region without claiming religious or imperial domination, then we should be able to come to some form of understanding. But we will not reach that goal unless Iran realizes that this is not a historical opportunity to resurrect Persian dreams of glory. SPIEGEL: And the Iranians need to feel Western pressure to come to that conclusion? Kissinger: We need a mixture of pressure and incentives. We must realize that painless sanctions are a contradiction. SPIEGEL: Sounds like the old game of carrots and sticks. You think the US president should meet with an Iranian leader only after painful sanctions? Kissinger: You would never start with such a step. Nixon sat down with Mao three years after we had initial contact. I think a meeting with an Iranian president would be at the end of a process, not the very beginning. SPIEGEL: But looking at legacy again, will historians look back one day and write: The Iraq adventure prevented the US from focusing on other strategic challenges -- such as the rapid rise of India and China? Is the Superpower distracted rather than over-stretched? NEWSLETTER Sign up for Spiegel Online's daily newsletter and get the best of Der Spiegel's and Spiegel Online's international coverage in your In- Box everyday. Kissinger: I think we face three challenges currently: The disappearance of the nation-state; the rise of India and China; and, thirdly, the emergence of problems and challenges that cannot be solved by a single power, such as energy and the environment. We do not have the luxury to focus on one problem; we have to deal with all three of them or we won't succeed with any of them. The rise of Asia will be an enormous event. But we cannot say that we should therefore keep other challenges, such as the fight against radical Islam, in abeyance. SPIEGEL: Is China still a partner or primarily a rival? Kissinger: China has to be treated as a potential partner. We must use all ingenuity to create a system in which the great states of Asia -- which really are not nation-states in the European sense but large conglomerates of cultures -- can participate. We have no choice. SPIEGEL: Does the fact that "guided democracies" like Russia or China are currently more successful in economic terms undermine the attractiveness of Western-style democracy? Is that a new model that is becoming attractive for young people? Kissinger: The problem of guided democracies is that they have great difficulties solving the problem of succession and of giving access to the widest possible pool of talent. China has come closer to solving that problem than any other undemocratic system. I believe that the democratic model is better and more durable for the future but not automatically. It depends on our vision and determination. SPIEGEL: Mr. Kissinger, thank you very much for taking the time to speak with us.

us intel agencies begin the fight against radical islam

Taking a Page From the Cold War By Walter Pincus Monday, February 18, 2008; A15 Washington Post Two U.S. intelligence officials, in public appearances last week, outlined plans to join the ideological fight against radical Islam, much as the CIA worked behind the scenes during the Cold War in the battle against the creed of world communism. "How do we and our allies counter the ideology that supports violent extremism?" asked Michael Leiter, the acting director of the National Counterterrorism Center, in a speech Wednesday at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. The goal, Leiter said, is "to prevent the next generation of terrorists from emerging," and one approach he suggested is "to show that it is al-Qaeda, not the West, that is truly at war with Islam." Hours earlier, at a hearing on worldwide threats before the House Armed Services Committee, John A. Kringen, the CIA's deputy director for intelligence, spoke on the same theme, saying that while the United States and its allies have succeeded in "disrupting and dismantling terrorist organizations . . . the supply of people wanting to join those organizations continues and in some areas continues to grow." There was no mention of any fallout from Iraq. Instead, Kringen said one of the underlying problems leading people to terrorist extremism stems from the alienation some Muslims feel from European and Western culture, which is difficult to control. But Kringen said, as Leiter echoed, there is a need to explain "what al-Qaeda's intent really is" and to use that to discourage people "from wanting to go down those paths." Kringen then put the current ideological struggle "in the context of what we had to do within the days of the Cold War." Back then, the Soviet leaders set up the Cominform, an organization by which Moscow controlled communist parties throughout the world and, through them, the activities and propaganda of intellectual, artistic, labor and youth organizations that they established. To meet that challenge, Kringen said the United States and its allies targeted "the soft side" of that conflict. The U.S. approach in the 1950s was to reach out to non-government organizations, including intellectual publications, labor unions and student groups, sometimes providing secret financial support, much as the Cominform did. "I think over time we're going to need to build that kind of infrastructure," Kringen told the House panel, "because many times, it's not going to be what the U.S. government per se says, but the kind of interactions that they have through other people." Leiter described the "global ideological engagement, referred to by some as the 'war of ideas,' " as "a key center of gravity in the battle against al-Qaeda, its associates and those that take inspiration from the group." He described terrorist leaders who "aggressively employ messages related to current events, leverage mass media technologies and use the Internet to engage in a communications war against all who oppose their oppressive and murderous vision," adding: "We must engage them on this front with equal vehemence." As acting director of the counterterrorism center, Leiter is hardly unconnected to the proposed ideological war. A little-publicized role of the director is to conduct strategic planning for the fight against terrorism for the entire U. S. government, a role in which Leiter reports directly to the president. As Leiter put it publicly, the law creating the center "mandates that all elements of national power, not just the intelligence or military elements, be leveraged in the fight." President Bush approved the center's first strategic operational plan in June 2006, and though highly classified, it clearly includes a fight for the hearts and minds of Muslims worldwide. Last week, Leiter would not describe tactics but said the struggle against extremist ideology would be won "not by attacking religious or cultural traditions, but by highlighting the poverty of extremist thought, by working together with mainstream adherents of all faiths . . . and by using all elements of national power -- diplomacy, foreign aid, non-government organizations and the like."

more iraqi political benchmarks are now met...

Iraqi lawmakers pass 3 key new laws http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20080213/ap_on_re_mi_ea/iraq_new_laws_3;_ylt=AvP.l4T2stbyqskZjeO5Q1VX6GMA By QASSIM ABDUL-ZAHRA, Associated Press Writer Wed Feb 13, 11:23 AM ET Iraq's parliament on Wednesday passed three key pieces of legislation that set a date for provincial elections, allot $48 billion for 2008 spending, and provide limited amnesty to detainees in Iraqi custody. The three measures were bundled together for one vote to satisfy the demands of minority Kurds who feared they might be double-crossed on their stand that the budget allot 17 percent to their semiautonomous regional government in the north. The vote came a day after the Sunni speaker of the fragmented parliament, Mahmoud al-Mashhadani, threatened to disband the legislature, saying it was so riddled with distrust it appeared unable to adopt legislation. Following the session, which capped weeks of wrangling over the budget and other issues, the parliament began a five-week holiday. The draft law on provincial elections, which includes a detailed outline on devolving power to the provinces, initially had said voting would begin Oct. 1. Other details on that law and the amnesty were not immediately known. The measures still must be approved by the three-member presidency council. The Bush administration and Congress have sought passage of a provincial powers law as one of 18 benchmarks to promote reconciliation among Iraq's Sunni and Shiite Arab communities and the large Kurdish minority. It is only the second of the so-called benchmarks to make it through parliament. A measure that allows lower-ranking members of Saddam Hussein's Baath party to reclaim government jobs became law earlier this year, but Sunnis have demanded amendments and the future of the measure is unclear. Other proposals, including divvying up the country's vast oil wealth and amending the constitution, also remain stalled. The disarray has threatened to undermine the purpose of last year's U.S. troop buildup — to bring down violence and allow the Iraqi government and parliament to focus on reconciliation. Violence is down dramatically, but political progress languishes. Still, the U.S. Ambassador Ryan Crocker congratulated the lawmakers and said it was a victory for the Iraqi people. "These are difficult issues. They required a lot of effort, a lot of compromise, but they are important steps forward," he said at a news conference shortly after the vote. The last time Iraqis voted for local officials was January 2005, when nationwide elections ushered in representational government for the first time in modern history. But many Sunni Arabs boycotted the polls, giving Iraq's majority Shiites and minority Kurds the bulk of power. The U.S. hopes the new elections will empower the Sunni minority and blunt support for the insurgency. The passage of the laws came after weeks parliamentary infighting centered mainly on the Kurdish demand to maintain 17 percent of the budget despite calls by some Sunni and Shiite lawmakers to lower it to about 14 percent. Shiite lawmakers walked out of a rare night session Tuesday when the Kurds refused to drop their demand to lump the budget vote together with two other contested measures. The Kurds said they feared being double-crossed on the budget if parliamentarians voted on the laws separately and lawmakers decried what they called "a crisis of trust." The breakthrough apparently came when the lawmakers present approved an item in the budget that gave the Kurds 17 percent on condition that the government hold a census before the end of this year and reconsider the percentage accordingly for the 2009 budget, officials said. The Sadrist bloc, which holds 30 seats of the 275-member parliament, walked out in protest but returned during for the debate over the provincial elections law and the blanket vote. Underscoring the narrow victory, the provincial elections law passed only after the parliamentary speaker Mahmoud al-Mashhadani, a member of the minority Sunni faction, raised his hand to break a tie after 82 lawmakers cast their votes in favor and 82 against.

ny times editorial discusses progress in iraq

Making (Some) Progress in Iraq http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/14/opinion/14thu2.html?pagewanted=print New York Times Editorial Good news is rare in Iraq. But after months of bitter feuding, Iraq’s Parliament has finally approved a budget, outlined the scope of provincial powers, set an Oct. 1 date for provincial elections and voted a general amnesty for detainees. All these steps are essential for national conciliation. As always in Iraq, it is best to read the fine print. Final details of the legislation aren’t known. The country’s three-member presidency council must still sign off. And then the laws have to be implemented. One month after Parliament approved a law intended to open government jobs to former members of Saddam Hussein’s Baath Party, American officials insist it will ensure that more former Baathists will be hired than barred. That will take a lot more good will and follow-through than Iraq’s central government has so far shown. The Bush administration — which has displayed only intermittent interest in Iraq’s political stalemates — will have to press a lot harder to make sure that all these new laws are translated into action. We are, of course, cheered by the news that representatives from Iraq’s three main ethnic groups — Shiite, Sunni and Kurd — finally saw some benefit in compromise. The Kurds’ largely autonomous regional government got what it wanted — a 17 percent share of the 2008 budget. The Sunnis will be the main beneficiaries of the amnesty law since 80 percent of the detainees in Iraqi jails are Sunnis. The third law will transfer more power to Iraq’s ethnically dominated provincial governments — something all groups say they want. There are already questions about whether the provincial governments will be ready to hold elections in October. The United States and its allies will have to move quickly to provide both funding and technical help. And there is a lot more work to be done. Iraq’s Parliament has yet to approve a law to ensure an equitable sharing of oil revenues. Unfortunately, Iraq’s leaders still appear to feel no real sense of urgency. And the Bush administration — which is now talking about a “pause” in the drawdown of American troops — certainly isn’t doing anything to change their minds. Right after Wednesday’s vote, Parliament members began a five-week holiday.

Another head terrorist meets his virgins..

Excellent work by Mossad in the heart of Syria! Hezbollah terror chief Imad Mughniyah killed in Damascus blast By Yoav Stern and Yossi Melman, Haaretz Correspondents, and News Agencies The Lebanese-based guerilla group Hezbollah said Wednesday that its deputy leader Imad Mughniyah was killed Tuesday evening in a bomb blast in a residential neighborhood of Damascus, and accused Israel of responsibility for the explosion."With all pride we declare a great jihadist leader of the Islamic resistance in Lebanon joining the martyrs ... The brother commander hajj Imad Mughniyah became a martyr at the hands of the Zionist Israelis," said a statement carried on Hezbollah's television station.The Prime Minister's Office in Jerusalem initially declined comment, but later issued a statement denying Israeli involvement. Mughniyah headed Hezbollah's operations branch serving in a role similar to chief of staff, and had been wanted by Israel and the United States for years due to his role in numerous bombings, hijackings and abductions in which hundreds of people were killed.He was wanted for the bombings of the Israeli embassy and the Jewish community center in Buenos Aires in 1992 and 1994, as well as a wave of abductions of Westerns in Lebanon in the 1980s. Mughniyah lived a highly secretive life, constantly moving between states like Lebanon, Iran, and Syria. In the 1990s, foreign reports claim, Israel's Mossad intelligence agency tried unsuccessfully to assassinate him in a complex operation in southern Beirut.However, the operation killed his brother, a car shop owner in Beirut. Mughniyah was expected to be present at the funeral, giving an additional chance to assassinate him, but he never showed. The cause of the Damascus explosion, which occurred about 10:45 P.M. Tuesday evening in the upscale Kafar Soussa neighborhood, was not immediately known. Syrian security forces quickly sealed off the area and removed the destroyed car, which had its driver's seat and the rear seat blown away by the force of the blast. Syria later Wednesday also accused Israel of being behind the blast.Damascus residents, some in their pajamas, gathered to inspect the damage, careful around shards of glass and debris. Three other cars parked nearby were also damaged, their windows shattered and doors blown out."I was awakened by the explosion, rushed to the window and saw the glow," one witness said. He lost the windows on his 5th floor apartment, which overlooks the bombed-out SUV.Another witness in a 7th floor apartment rushed to the windows after the blast and said he "saw one [body] covered with a white sheet on the ground."Both spoke on condition of anonymity.The witnesses and Palestinian sources in Syria and Lebanon said the blast was caused by a bomb planted inside the vehicle.

more progress in diyala province..

To Take a Village: A golden opportunity in Iraq http://article.nationalreview.com/print/?q=MDYxOTM4OTE2ZGQyMmNiODJlNjUxZjlmMzcxMTY4YmI National Review By Rich Lowry February 12, 2008, 6:00 a.m. Hamada, Iraq — This small, rural village in the Diyala Province north of Baghdad experienced a revolution a month ago. It had been controlled by al-Qaeda and its band of teenage killers who terrorized the place. The mayor of the nearby city of Muqdadiya lived here — until al-Qaeda blew up his house and he fled. The village became a ghost town. Then, for the first time in five years of war, U.S. troops showed up. They captured key al-Qaeda leaders, and the rest ran away. Local citizens formed a makeshift security force, and people returned to the streets. Suddenly, it was a new day.“I told everyone this is a golden opportunity,” says Hassen Nssaif Jasim, a retired lieutenant colonel in the Iraq army who leads the local security volunteers. “Don’t lose it.” Isolated towns like this one, with a population of 750 and a dirt road as the main thoroughfare, are highly vulnerable to al-Qaeda. “It’s easy to intimidate them,” explains an American officer. “They get up in the morning, and there are a bunch of heads in the soccer field.” At this village level, the war on terror is less a grand ideological struggle than an elemental fight to replace men with guns who want to prey on the local population (al-Qaeda) with men with guns who want to help it (us). It doesn’t take a romanticism about human nature to realize most people will prefer the latter. Gen. Mark Hertling, who commands American forces in the north, recalls being introduced in the village of Himbus to a 12-year-old girl who had pointed out where the al-Qaeda thugs were hiding. “I asked her why she had done that,” Gen. Hertling says, “and she said, ‘They killed my two brothers, my father couldn’t farm, and I couldn’t go to school.’ It would still be that way without U.S. forces. Iraq is a mind-bogglingly complex country that defies generalizations, except this one — where U.S. troops have a substantial presence, there is more security, more grass-roots political ferment, and more economic activity. This swath of Iraq north of Baghdad has long been an “economy of force” operation — in other words, undermanned. Even as the biggest city, Mosul, sank into chaos in 2005, the American force wasn’t increased. At the beginning of the surge, it lost troops to the fight to secure Baghdad. One battalion — 600 troops — had responsibility for a city of nearly 2 million. Increasingly squeezed out of Baghdad and Anbar province to the West, al-Qaeda naturally has been fleeing in this direction. But additional American troops also have flowed north, and they are denying al-Qaeda the population centers (a battle looms for Mosul). The foremost question for the U.S. in Iraq is if we will deny ourselves the most important instrument to influence the outcome — our troops. Already, drawing down from the surge means a 25-percent reduction in U.S. combat power in six months. U.S. commanders think they can avoid backsliding by thinning out their forces on the ground rather than pulling them out of areas entirely. Back home, pressure for a bigger drawdown comes from opponents of the war, as well as forces within the Pentagon who say the Army is “broken.” No one denies the strain on the Army, or the inspiring, heart-wrenching sacrifices made by our men and women. But a broken Army couldn’t possibly have accomplished what our troops have in Iraq in the past year. It is hard to imagine what the military is for if not to capture or kill al-Qaeda (through “lead poisoning,” as an officer puts it colorfully). Before he lets his American visitors leave his front yard, Hassen Nssaif Jasim insists that they take home a message: “We are very serious, and we are going to go all the way to the end of the path. We don’t want you to leave.” And we shouldn’t.

al qaeda's destruction in their own words..

Al Qaeda Leader's Diary Reveals Organization's Decline http://www.defenselink.mil/news/newsarticle.aspx?id=48914 By Seaman William Selby, USNSpecial to American Forces Press Service WASHINGTON, Feb. 9, 2008 – U.S. troops found a diary belonging to an al Qaeda in Iraq leader that has Coalition forces believing the terrorist organization is “on its heels,” a senior military official in Baghdad said this morning. Soldiers of the 101st Airborne Division’s 1st Brigade Combat Team on Nov. 3, 2007, captured a diary belonging to Abu Tariq, an al Qaeda emir in control of five battalions within two sectors, U.S. Air Force Col. Donald J. Bacon, a Multinational Force Iraq spokesman, told online journalists and “bloggers” during a conference call. The soldiers found the diary during a patrol conducted about 15 kilometers south of Balad. Bacon said the 16-page diary contains records about man power, operations, weapons, and finances, and it shows that al Qaeda is hurting badly in the belts of Baghdad. “There were 600 al-Qaeda members in this sector, now there (are) 20 or less,” said Bacon. In the diary, Tariq describes each battalion’s number decline and goes on to describe the 4th battalion as “scoundrels, sectarians and nonbelievers.” Tariq attributes his terrorist organization’s decline in large part to groups of concerned local citizens, who are also known as the Sons of Iraq. Many high-ranking al Qaeda members, including Osama Bin Laden, have spoken out about the negative impact that the concerned local citizens groups have had on their organization. As a result, the concerned local citizens are being attacked more frequently by the terrorists, Bacon said. Nevertheless, Bacon said the numbers of concerned local citizens are growing, which indicates that they are less afraid of al-Qaeda. “Right now there (are) approximately 77,500 CLC’s with 135 different initiatives, and more and more are being hired,” Bacon said. Bacon said he believes the diary is also in part a will of sorts, in case anything was to happen to Tariq. “He wanted to keep a clear record,” Bacon said. Bacon said he believes the diary is indicative of some other areas in Iraq but not all of Iraq. He cautioned that al Qaeda is still a dangerous enemy. “We still believe they are our number one threat,” said Bacon. “There is a 90 percent decline of violence in Anbar but we are still fighting them in Diala,” he added. “They still have the capacity and the will but we have the momentum.” Bacon noted, however, that “overall levels of violence in Iraq are down, and we are seeing positive trends.”

fragile progress in baghdad

Re-Liberators: The delicate successes in Iraq. By Rich Lowry Baghdad, Iraq — “Greeted as liberators” has become one of the most scoffed-at phrases of the Iraq war, a symbol of glib assurances of success belied by reality. But a top U.S. general here plays on the phrase in describing security gains during the past year. “In some ways,” he says, “our soldiers have come to be seen as re-liberators.”The neologism seems apt in the crisp, cool dusk of a Saturday evening in a Sunni neighborhood here in the Dora section of this city.American soldiers, who a few months ago couldn’t venture here without being shot at, are mobbed by clamoring children as soon as they leave their vehicles. Stores are open on a street that was deserted just months ago. The median strip, once regularly implanted with improvised explosives, is spruced up with fresh brickwork. An American captain — “the mayor” of the neighborhood — is greeted by name by an Iraqi boy who runs up to shake his hand, and two women approach him to ask about being hired by the Iraqi government as teachers.The neighborhood is a showcase of a counterinsurgency campaign that has emphasized securing the population and getting to know local players. “We live in the neighborhood,” explains Col. Ricky Gibbs. “How did we get there? We moved to the sound of the guns.” It took months of combat for his troops to roust al-Qaeda and establish outposts in his section of the city. Once it became clear that the Americans weren’t going anywhere, “the people came out in droves.”The Army has contracted with an influential (and very brave) local doctor-turned-businessman in the neighborhood for road repairs, trash pickup and electricity generation. All of which means local jobs. The doctor sounds like the U.S. general when he comments, “This is the second time you have liberated this country.”The question now is whether the enhanced security will harden into — in a phrase the U.S. military uses often now — “irreversible momentum” that will make the second liberation more enduring than the first, even as the U.S. begins to draw down the additional brigades of the surge.It should be the Shia-dominated Iraqi central government contracting with people like the doctor. It can’t (out of incompetence) be, or won’t (out of sectarian motives) be. Worse, the doctor’s brother has been detained by government security services without charge for months, even though the Americans have worked to have him released. “We’ve had an American awakening and a Sunni awakening,” he says, referring to the surge and the Sunni turn away from the insurgency. “Now we need a government awakening.”The central government hasn’t attempted to consolidate change bubbling from below. There are 80,000, mostly Sunni, security volunteers seeking integration into official security forces or transition into civilian jobs. There are volunteer teachers — like those petitioning the American captain — who await government salaries. Yet the government has left billions of dollars in revenue unspent. Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has talked about creating a $1 billion jobs program, but even if he wants to follow through, moving such a sum through the dysfunctional Iraqi bureaucracy is a gargantuan task.In the meantime, we fill the gap, in keeping with the military’s axiom that “money is ammunition.” The $300 a month we pay to security volunteers is filtering down into local economies. Commanders use discretionary funds at their disposal to contract for services and provide seed money for businesses. “I can’t spend it fast enough,” Col. Gibbs says. This so-called CERP funding will run out in the summer, and Gen. Petraeus is asking for $480 million more of it. Congress would be scandalously foolish to reject him.Everyone acknowledges that Iraq’s progress is fragile. The country is still violent, Al-Qaeda hasn’t been totally vanquished, and the Shia south has its own alarming problems. But we have to try to capitalize on the opportunities created by the surge. There’s not going to be a third liberation.

al qaedas paper trail in iraq

The Terrorists' Paper Trail in Iraq http://www.usnews.com/articles/news/world/2008/02/06/the-terrorists-paper-trail-in-iraq_print.htm By Kevin Whitelaw US News and World Report Posted February 6, 2008 More than 600 captured personnel files of foreigners who joined the terrorist group known as Al Qaeda in Iraq tell the individual stories of Muslim extremists who made the difficult journey to Iraq—and most likely died or were captured there. According to the paperwork, Abdallah Awlad al-Tumi met his recruiter at a large mosque in Dublin. Al-Tumi, who was 36, took a flight from Turkey to Syria before entering Iraq, carrying his marriage certificate, a knife, and $5,000 in cash. His occupation back home: "massage specialist." But the records, which were analyzed and released by the Combating Terrorism Center at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, also point out a trait that has been unique to al Qaeda and many of its offshoots: They are surprisingly bureaucratic. "Al Qaeda is different from any other terror group in history because it was so large and had such a sophisticated logistical structure," says Bruce Hoffman, an expert on terrorist groups who teaches at Georgetown University. "It's a bureaucratic pathology." The personnel records are unusually formal, typed on letterhead that reads "Islamic State of Iraq," one of the aliases for al Qaeda in Iraq. Foreign fighters were asked to provide basic biographical details, such as birth date, address, and telephone number, as well as questions aimed at double-checking who referred them to the organization. One Algerian fighter named Aydir describes three coordinators he met in Syria before he was smuggled into Iraq. The first was "tall and strong," the second was "tall and hunchbacked," and the other was "tan and weak." Part of it is simply about logistics. "When you're moving people across international borders, you want to make sure you're keeping track of them," says Hoffman. "But it is also part of a hubris that this is more of an organization than it actually is and to impress the recruits in this martyrdom pipeline that they really are part of something bigger than they are." There is also an aspect of quality control. One question asks recruits: "How did the coordinator treat you in Syria?" Most of the fighters replied, "Well." One even enthuses, "Very excellent." But a few complain of being locked up in an apartment in Syria. One Saudi who arrived in Syria with $1,000 writes, "Not good. Loua'aie took all the money and we are not happy and [he] give us back $200." For Al Qaeda in Iraq, which relies on a loose network of operatives in Syria to help funnel fighters into Iraq, the forms allow leaders to monitor the reliability of their network. "You have the leadership who may be highly committed, but when you get to the handlers, it may be more criminal networks," says Lt. Col. Joseph Felter, who runs the Combating Terrorism Center. "They might be putting in some safeguards to try to identify those individuals who are less ideologically committed down the chain." An additional set of captured documents reveals more about the financing of Al Qaeda in Iraq, suggesting that many recruits carry in substantial sums of money from abroad to help finance operations inside Iraq. Many of the foreign fighters are also being made to sign what amounts to suicide-bombing contracts. These contracts, which will be released in March as part of another Combating Terrorism Center report, have recruits pledging to commit a suicide bombing or be stripped of their al Qaeda in Iraq salary and forced to divorce their wives. "If you're bringing people in, you want to make sure they are operationalized and blowing themselves up quickly," says Brian Fishman, who coauthored the Combating Terrorism Center report on foreign fighters in Iraq. All of these captured documents have helped U.S. intelligence agencies build a clearer picture of the machine behind Iraq's suicide bombers. The stacks of paper formed part of the basis for Director of National Intelligence Mike McConnell's testimony to Congress on February 5 that between 50 and 80 foreign terrorists are entering Iraq each month. He described a group that has been weakened but remains capable of carrying out deadly attacks. For intelligence agencies, there are also some potential opportunities to be exploited. Bureaucracy implies a higher level of leadership structure. "The more hierarchical these organizations are, the easier they are to take apart," says Seth Jones, a terrorism expert at Rand Corp., a think tank. "When they become diffuse, you can't really remove one single link and expect the organization to fall." Already, researchers have been trying to trace back the telephone numbers included in the records, as well as the names of intermediaries in Syria. "Just the fact that they had these records was a big security risk," says Felter. "We're hoping it will be useful in stemming the tide from their home countries." The largest number of foreign fighters recorded in these files came from Saudi Arabia, although Libya had the highest per capita representation. The oldest fighter was 54 years old when he crossed into Iraq; the youngest was only 16. The Iraqi records come from between August 2006 and August 2007. At that time, Al Qaeda in Iraq was believed to be led by an Egyptian, Abu Yaquib al-Masri, who previously fought in Afghanistan and was closely allied with Ayman al-Zawahiri, the powerful deputy commander of al Qaeda. Al-Masri most likely picked up his bureaucratic habits watching the original al Qaeda operate in Afghanistan. After U.S. forces ousted the Taliban in 2001, a trove of al Qaeda documents surfaced that showed just how bureaucratic the organization had become, from detailed weapons logs to a complex system of vouchers that allowed fighters to stay at government-run hotels free of charge. "When they were in Afghanistan, al Qaeda really prided itself on its H.R.," says Hoffman. "It gave people annual leave and even a death benefits plan." Al Qaeda also provided a salary—a reminder that militants might be volunteers, but many also are looking for a steady paycheck. "This is a job. They need to feed themselves," says Jones. "Idealism may matter at the top levels, but oftentimes people are motivated by money." It is no wonder, then, that when asked for their profession, many of the recruits in Iraq put down one word: "martyr."

iraqi national police making great strides

When even the Los Angeles Times is reporting good news in the Iraqi police force- the tide is certainly turning!! Iraq works to clean up National Police Force http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-police6feb06,1,756923,full.story?ctrack=4&cset=true Associated Press National police raise their weapons as they patrol the capital. Now, one resident said, "there is a huge difference in the national police force's attitude toward the people." Training, integration and anti-corruption efforts are aimed at creating a force that will contribute to the country's stability. By Alexandra Zavis, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer February 6, 2008 NUMANIYA, IRAQ -"Police, police, police!" Young recruits cradling make-believe machine guns lined up in front of a building, identified themselves three times in Arabic, then burst through the door. For the first time, the class -- 1,830 cadets who graduated Jan. 21 -- included as many Sunni as Shiite Muslims. They are part of an effort to overhaul the national police, a force that is equated in the minds of many Iraqis with Shiite death squads that kidnap, torture and kill Sunnis, whose bodies once turned up by the dozens each day in Baghdad's garbage dumps and sewers. Last year, national police chief Maj. Gen. Hussein Awadi sent recruiting teams into former Sunni insurgent strongholds such as Anbar and Diyala provinces to persuade Sunnis to join the overwhelmingly Shiite force. He has also pulled hundreds of corrupt and abusive policemen off the streets; standardized uniforms, equipment and training; and introduced a computerized payroll to help reduce fraud. But his biggest challenge, he said, is convincing his critics that the national police force has changed. As recently as September, an independent U.S. commission recommended that the force be disbanded. "It has become something like the hanger on which everyone hangs their dirty laundry," said the wiry commander, fingering worry beads at his office in Baghdad's fortified Green Zone, about 80 miles northwest of the Numaniya training center. Every time there is an abuse of authority, the assumption is that the national police must be responsible."I don't deny that there are probably still some mistakes being made," Awadi said. "But as soon as we are made aware of them, we act on them." A commission led by retired Marine Gen. James L. Jones found that the national police remained "a highly sectarian element of the Iraqi security forces and one that for the most part is unable to contribute to security and stability in Iraq." The force reports to the Interior Ministry, which the panel concluded was so riddled with corruption and sectarian factions that it would be incapable of carrying out reforms.The panel recommended using about 6,000 of the 26,000 members of the force to create specialized units to assist with ordnance disposal, civil unrest control and other tasks beyond the abilities of local police. The rest of the members should be absorbed by the police and army, it said. U.S. military officials in Iraq acknowledge major shortcomings in the national police, but say Iraqi leaders are weeding out sectarian elements. "They chose an option to attempt to eliminate . . . bad actors and to then put in the right leadership and train the force in order to reform," said Army Maj. Gen. Michael Jones, who commands the U.S. assistance teams that advise the Iraqi Interior Ministry. "In this case, it appears to me that their option is working."In just over a year, all nine brigade commanders have been replaced -- one of them twice -- for improper behavior, along with 18 of the 27 battalion commanders and about 1,300 rank-and-file policemen, according to U.S. figures. Thousands more have been removed from the rolls for being absent without leave, Awadi said. But senior leaders are rarely brought to trial; most are reassigned to less influential positions within the ministry. Accusations of misconduct dog all of Iraq's security forces, but few are as feared as the national police. It was created to rein in a patchwork of commando-style, anti-terrorist units with questionable loyalties and no unified command. U.S. advisors to Bayan Jabr, a Shiite who became interior minister in May 2005, accused him of purging Sunnis from the ministry and organizing Shiite militiamen into special police commando brigades. Jabr said the new commandos were needed to pursue Sunni extremists responsible for relentless bomb attacks on Shiite communities and the Iraqi security forces. He conceded that there was some militia infiltration, but denied that it was systematic or widespread.In April that year, U.S.-led forces persuaded Jabr to combine the commandos and other heavily armed units into a single force, the national police. Under Jabr's successor, Jawad Bolani, national police officers have been vetted and sent on a four-week basic training course that focuses on professionalism and ethics -- in most cases, the first training they had received. Upon completion of the course, they have been issued blue, digital-print uniforms. Jabr had maintained that criminals were buying fake uniforms in markets, but the new ones are more difficult to replicate. The last of the former commando units completed the training, referred to as "re-bluing," in November, and the Italian Carabinieri are now providing advanced leadership courses. Residents of Dora, a mostly Sunni neighborhood that was once one of Baghdad's worst killing grounds, say they have noticed a change. Jasim Kamil, who sells wedding dresses in the Dora market, said he saw men in national police uniforms gun down five Sunni shop owners a year ago. A few days later, Sunni insurgents bombed the unit, killing and injuring some of the remaining shop owners, he said. "Now, there is a huge difference in the national police force's attitude toward the people," he said. "They are greeting the people at the checkpoints and treating people with respect."But just west of Dora, U.S. officers say, a notorious national police unit known as the Wolf Brigade continued to help the Shiite Mahdi Army militia drive Sunnis from their homes after it was retrained last year. The Wolf Brigade once had its own TV show in which alleged insurgents, some of them clearly bruised, were paraded before the cameras to confess. In May 2006, a joint U.S. and Iraqi inspection found more than 1,400 prisoners crammed into a Baghdad lockup under its control, some of them showing signs of torture. In a bid to curb militia influence in this unit, Awadi said, he fired the Shiite brigade commander in October, reassigned about half its members and brought in a number of Sunni officers. The new commander is a Sunni Kurd, whom Awadi refers to jokingly as his "mountain wolf," a reference to the mountainous Kurdish region in northern Iraq. But it is a work in progress. When one Sunni officer was asked recently whether he trusted the mostly Shiite men under his command, he considered the question for a moment, then raised a clenched fist and said, "I have them under my hand." Awadi, a Shiite, says about 40% of his officer corps is Sunni. He is now trying to make the rank and file more reflective of Iraq's ethnic and sectarian mix. When Sunni tribal leaders in Anbar province began encouraging their people to fight the insurgents they once backed, Awadi said he went to offer them 500 places in the 460-hour course at Numaniya. The sheiks were skeptical at first, and only about 200 volunteers turned up on the first recruitment day. Awadi refused to take them, and told the sheiks he would hold up the entire course until he had 500 men from Anbar. That, he said, convinced the sheiks that he was serious. More than 300 Anbar recruits attended the most recent course at Numaniya. Awadi describes them as "ambassadors for the national police to Anbar" and said he hoped they would persuade others to sign up. Sunni Arabs made up more than half the class. Most of the other trainees were Shiites, but there also were a small number of Kurds, a Turkmen and a Christian. Some of the Sunni recruits acknowledged to their instructors that they were nervous about joining. But a month into the course, the men appeared to be at ease with one another. They said they eat, sleep, train and pray together. "We thought this day would never come," said Allah Nouri Shakir, a Sunni who gave up a job as a carpenter in Fallouja to join the national police. "It is a dream."

We lost two heroic seals in iraq..

All the honor to men like these. Two Navy SEALs killed were based at Virginia Beach Two locally based SEALs, both decorated chief petty officers with deep military ties, were killed during combat Monday in Iraq. Nathan Hardy and Michael E. Koch, both 29, were slain by small-arms fire during anti-insurgent operations, the Navy announced Tuesday. Hardy, originally from Durham, N.H., is the grandson of two World War II veterans, according to his father, Steve Hardy. One grandfather served aboard PT-109 with John F. Kennedy, the young officer who would become president. Koch, whose family is in State College, Pa., has a brother serving in Iraq, and both of his parents have worked as contractors in the Middle East. Sixteen locally based SEALs have been killed during combat in Iraq and Afghanistan since 2002, according to data compiled by The Virginian-Pilot. Nathan Hardy wanted to be a SEAL since he was in sixth grade, his father said Tuesday night in an interview at Hardy’s Virginia Beach home. He heard stories about his grandfather being rescued by Kennedy from the sinking patrol boat and set his sights on a Navy career. “Nate was very proud of his Navy heritage,” Hardy said. He was also a talented, aggressive soccer and lacrosse player at Oyster River High School, his father recalled. “He probably got too many fouls,” Hardy said, and smiled. “As a midfielder, he was a good Navy SEAL.” Hardy enlisted after high school, in November 1997 and, after boot camp, completed SEAL basic training in Coronado, Calif. He served his entire special warfare career on the East Coast. Hardy was awarded the Bronze Star and two Navy and Marine Corps Achievement Medals. He was making his fourth deployment to Iraq. The small high school attended by the three Hardy sons held a moment of silence on Tuesday, said principal Laura Rogers. Even though he graduated 10 years ago, she said, “people remember him. They are feeling the loss.” Hardy was the youngest of three boys. The oldest, Josh, died of cancer when Nathan was in eighth grade. But Steve Hardy said he did not worry about his son’s dangerous job. “We had lost one son. Our philosophy has been you live life to the fullest,” he said. Hardy is survived by his wife, Mindy, and a 7-month-old son, Parker. Koch leaves behind his parents, a brother, a sister, and a fiancee. He also spent his entire special warfare career on the East Coast. He enlisted in July 1998 and entered SEAL training in January 1999. During his career, he received the Bronze Star, Joint Service Commendation Medal and three Navy and Marine Corps Achievement Medals. Dee Brown, Koch’s aunt who lives in Williamsport, Pa., said the SEAL came from a family where military values run deep. He and his sister were born on an Air Force base in Omaha, Neb., and his brother, Matthew, was born on another base in New Mexico. Their mother, Jean, was on her way back from Afghanistan on Tuesday night, where she has an accounting job with a U.S. contractor. Their father, Donald, a 20-year Air Force veteran, returned from his job in Iraq about six weeks ago. They had seen each other just a few weeks ago for Christmas. “We were so fortunate that we were all able to be together,” Brown said. The family is close, she said, so much so that while Koch was going through his SEAL training in 1999 his father camped out in the woods, trying to put himself through some of the same experiences his son was having. Family outings might include jumping out of airplanes or going scuba diving, Brown said. Koch didn’t like to talk about his military experiences, according to Brown, though she said it was obvious he loved what he was doing. “He was humble,” she said. “He would prefer that we didn’t talk about it. He would just say, 'It’s my job.’” Matthew Koch also is in the military serving in Iraq. He will accompany his brother’s body home.

Walls of Baghdad keeping citizens safe now..

The Walls Of Baghdad BAGHDAD - To some Iraqis they are the reason it is safe to shop. To others they are like big jails. Nothing symbolizes the year-long security offensive in Baghdad more vividly than the thousands of tonnes of concrete walls that have been erected around dozens of markets, public places and even entire neighborhoods. But as violence has fallen in the capital, some Iraqis have begun debating whether the 12-foot (3.5-metre) high walls should come down. Does the inconvenience and ugliness of the grey barriers outweigh the protection and peace of mind they provide? Most seem to want the walls to remain at markets and even be strengthened — especially after two female bombers killed 99 people at pet markets last Friday in attacks blamed on al Qaeda. “I don’t mind having the walls for years if they keep the market secure. Many of my neighbors and relatives are still in hospital because of explosions,” said Um Haitham, a woman in her 60s as she shopped in the Sadriya market in central Baghdad. Added Abu Mohammed, 45: “I don’t like these walls, they make me sick. But if you ask me, no matter how much inconvenience they cause, I prefer them because they provide security.” The walls are designed to stop suicide bombers ramming cars filled with explosives into crowded places and to keep out gunmen by setting up security posts at entry points. During 2006 and into the first half of 2007, suicide car and truck bombers turned Baghdad’s popular outdoor markets into killing fields until the U.S. military began putting up the concrete blast walls to block access to vehicles. The U.S. military said about 65 markets and some 50 neighborhoods were either partially or fully protected by concrete blast walls throughout the greater Baghdad area. All are integrated with security checkpoints. “FUNDAMENTAL” TO SECURITY While walls are good at stopping cars, suicide vest bombers can still slip through. Some markets are also set up on sidewalks, like the pet markets, making them harder to protect. But Major-General Qassim Moussawi, spokesman for the Iraqi military in Baghdad, said the walls were “absolutely fundamental” to security and there was no plan to tear any down. “Who would want to remove these walls? Can you imagine a house without a fence. These walls will remain until we have imposed security in all of Baghdad,” Moussawi told Reuters. U.S. and Iraqi officials blame most car bombings on Sunni Islamist al Qaeda, saying the militant group is trying to tip the country into all-out sectarian civil war. Until the launch of the Baghdad security plan on February 14 last year, most of the concrete blast walls were used to protect government buildings and some major hotels. Protecting markets and other public places became a key element of the Baghdad security offensive, which involved the deployment of an extra 30,000 U.S. troops.

Progress in Iraq on political and economic front

Iraqi Baath law comes into effect- A measure allowing former members of Saddam Hussein's Baath party to return to public life in Iraq has become law. The legislation was passed by the Iraqi parliament last month, but needed final approval by the country's presidency council before coming into effect. The council approved the law despite objections by one of its three members, Sunni Vice-President Tariq Hashemi. He said the law would result in people being forced out of their jobs to make way for returning former Baathists. US President George W Bush last month praised the law as an important step towards national reconciliation in Iraq. The Baath party, formed mainly from Iraq's Sunni minority, was declared illegal after the US-led invasion of the country in 2003. Story from BBC NEWS: http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/middle_east/7225322.stm FAMILIES RETURN TO TOWN WITH NEW SECURITY ZAMBRANIYAH — Nearly 1,000 residents returned to Zambraniyah throughout the last week of January after learning the area had been secured by Coalition and Iraqi forces. When heavy fighting in the Zambraniyah area broke out in early January, Coalition Forces advised families to evacuate the area to stay out of danger. As residents fled, blending in was difficult for al-Qaida in Iraq (AQI) members, enabling Soldiers to identify and target them. Over the course of combat operations, more than 40 extremists were killed. The 6th Squadron, 8th Cavalry Regiment, 4th Brigade Combat Team, 3rd Infantry Division, currently attached to 2nd BCT, 3rd Inf. Div., is now helping displaced families return to their homes. “In the past 48 hours approximately 1,000 Zambraniyah residents have returned to their homes,” said Captain David Lively, 6-8th Cav. Regt. assistant operations officer. Last year, AQI infiltrated Zambraniyah. Local citizens said those who refused to support AQI were killed. Now, citizens are standing up to protect their community. Coalition forces have organized a neighborhood watch program of concerned citizens, called ‘Sons of Iraq’. To date, more than 500 Sons of Iraq in the Zambraniyah area have been recruited and organized into a force that works closely with the Iraqi Army and Coalition forces. More than 100 improvised explosive devices have been uncovered and disposed of with their help.As the civilian population returns to this agricultural community, the hope is that economic activity will increase. U.S. Army civil affairs teams working with the 6-8 Cav. Regt. are assisting in economic assessments of the Zambraniyah community and plan to offer micro-grants to small businesses in the community.

F-35 lightning II moving ahead

Air Force Lt. Col. James Kromberg, a former Marine aviator, became the first service member to fly the F-35 on Wednesday at Naval Air Station Fort Worth Joint Reserve Base, Texas. Kromber is director of operations for the 461st Flight Test Squadron, Edwards Air Force Base, Calif. He served in the Marine Corps from 1987-2003 and has more than 3,200 flight hours on the AV-8B Harrier, T-38, F-15 and F-16. Attached to the F-35 test team since 2005, Kromberg has logged plenty of hours on the Joint Strike Fighter’s simulator. He also helped draft the aircraft’s initial flight manual, test plans and aircrew training procedures. “I have been smiling since arriving at the aircraft this morning and haven’t stopped,” Kromberg said on the day of the flight, according to an Air Force press release. Kromberg’s initial test flight put the JSF through takeoff, handling qualities maneuvers, engine throttle transients, formation maneuvers with an F-16 and landing. He took off from Lockheed Martin’s Fort Worth plant at 11:54 a.m. Central Time, flew to 6,000 feet and checked handling qualities at a 15-degree angle of attack, the release said. He then climbed to 10,000 and 12,000 feet, assessing the up-and-away flight-control response. Kromberg, whose call sign is “Flipper,” also tested the F-35’s engine performance and formation-flying characteristics. “The aircraft was responsive across all flight regimes,” he said. “The engine thrust response was excellent — accelerating very quickly. The aircraft was very stable during formation flight.” Further flight tests on the F-35 will include envelope expansion, flying qualities evaluations, subsystems testing and initial systems assessments, according to the release. Edwards will host further F-35 flight tests in the spring.

iraqi air force continues to improve

Iraqi Air Force Training to Sustain Fleet http://www.mnf-iraq.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=16758&Itemid=1 TAJI — The Iraqi Air Force Training School has opened their classrooms to recent Iraqi Air Force warrant officer graduates in an effort to train and improve their air power capabilities. Students are participating in the Fundamentals of Aircraft Maintenance courses taught in blocks of instruction to ensure the students are comfortable with the basic instruction of aircraft maintenance. The courses included in the Fundamentals of Aircraft Maintenance are Maintenance Supervisor; Firefighter Apprentice; Aircraft Structures; Air Intelligence Operations and Aviation Fuels. “Selection of the course curriculum reflects the needs of the growing Iraqi Air Force from the ground up,” said U.S. Air Force Maj. Scott Marshall, Iraqi Air Force Training School chief air advisor of basic technical training. Classroom training coupled with hands-on training and reinforced with additional classroom training allows the students to build on to their learning ability said Marshall. “The classroom training and structure is a new environment for the students,” said Marshall. “We will have to use the students training period as an experiment until we work out the nuances.” The school has made several decisions to enhance the training currently received by the students. A member of Defense Language Institute is teaching U.S. Air Force staff instructors how to teach English as a second language to minimize the language barrier faced by instructors and students. Another decision made by school operations is to provide Quality Assurance classes to the students. The classes will prepare them for pre-maintenance inspections that are required before operating any aircraft before and after use to ensure all equipment has proper maintenance performed.